This article argues that the goals and strategies the opposition uses against presidents with hegemonic aspirations are critical to understand why some leaders successfully erode democracy, while others fail. Using interviews and archival research, I trace the dynamics of erosion in Alvaro Uribe’s (Colombia) and Hugo Chávez’s (Venezuela) administrations. I show that during the first years of these governments, the opposition in both countries had some institutional leverage. The Colombian opposition used that leverage. It resorted to institutional and moderate extra-institutional strategies, which protected its institutional resources and allowed it to eventually stop Uribe’s second reelection reform. The Venezuelan opposition forsook that ...
This article analyzes the partisan opposition in Colombia during the period of 2010-2018: the types ...
En Democracias presidenciales de baja institucionalización, en virtud de la manera cómo los presiden...
Contrary to the assumption that the adoption and formalization of democratic protection mechanisms b...
Since President Hugo Chávez was first elected in 1998, the Venezuelan opposition seems to have alter...
Up until the 1990s Venezuela was one of the most stable democracies in Latin America. Today it is th...
Since President Chávez was first elected in 1998, the Venezuelan opposition has tried civil disobedi...
President Hugo Chávez has been the subject of much frenzied comment, as much at academic conferences...
While the opposition is clearly defined in a parliamentary system, the definition is murky in multip...
Latin America has been characterized as a region where democracies struggle and countries are rife w...
This article seeks to explain why electoral support for the Venezuelan opposition has increased subs...
Venezuela is often singled out as a model for stable democracy in Latin America. While the rest of t...
Why are Colombia’s political institutions more resistant against a neopopulist strategy to enact mar...
This article examines the dynamics of the democratic participation within the framework of president...
Capitalist democracies face profound crises in the current conjuncture. Latin America, far from bein...
When and why do oppositions coordinate their actions against authoritarian regimes? This dissertatio...
This article analyzes the partisan opposition in Colombia during the period of 2010-2018: the types ...
En Democracias presidenciales de baja institucionalización, en virtud de la manera cómo los presiden...
Contrary to the assumption that the adoption and formalization of democratic protection mechanisms b...
Since President Hugo Chávez was first elected in 1998, the Venezuelan opposition seems to have alter...
Up until the 1990s Venezuela was one of the most stable democracies in Latin America. Today it is th...
Since President Chávez was first elected in 1998, the Venezuelan opposition has tried civil disobedi...
President Hugo Chávez has been the subject of much frenzied comment, as much at academic conferences...
While the opposition is clearly defined in a parliamentary system, the definition is murky in multip...
Latin America has been characterized as a region where democracies struggle and countries are rife w...
This article seeks to explain why electoral support for the Venezuelan opposition has increased subs...
Venezuela is often singled out as a model for stable democracy in Latin America. While the rest of t...
Why are Colombia’s political institutions more resistant against a neopopulist strategy to enact mar...
This article examines the dynamics of the democratic participation within the framework of president...
Capitalist democracies face profound crises in the current conjuncture. Latin America, far from bein...
When and why do oppositions coordinate their actions against authoritarian regimes? This dissertatio...
This article analyzes the partisan opposition in Colombia during the period of 2010-2018: the types ...
En Democracias presidenciales de baja institucionalización, en virtud de la manera cómo los presiden...
Contrary to the assumption that the adoption and formalization of democratic protection mechanisms b...