[[alternative]]Taiwanese Cultural Identity and Political Identity: Viewpoints from Mainland China Scholars

[[abstract]]儘管自2008年國民黨重新執政以來，兩岸關係按照大陸學者的說法，走上了和平發展的正確道路。然而台灣民眾的國家認同（大陸學者稱為政治認同），即認同自己是台灣人、中國人或兩者皆是的比例，不但未朝向兩岸融和的方向發展，僅認同自己是台灣人的比例反而屢創新高。根據政治大學選舉研究中心2013年6月公佈的資料顯示，認為自己是台灣人的比例為57.5%，比2008年的48.4%高出將近10%。究竟中國大陸如何面對台灣此種政治認同與大陸日益分歧的現象？大陸學者將台灣的國家認同視為影響建立兩岸政治互信的關鍵因素，也曾提出恢復及建構社會或歷史記憶；深化兩岸經貿合作，努力建構相互依賴的經濟共同體；透過加強兩岸文化交流提升「文化認同感」，進而提升「國家認同感」等舉措。然而太陽花學運的發生，意味著過去的措施成效有限。近期更偏重討論如何以強化文化認同來增進政治認同，本文的目的在於評估此種作法是否確實有效能夠達成上述目的。[[abstract]]The trend of Taiwanese people identifying themselves as sole Taiwanese instead of both Chinese and Taiwanese that has reached the peak from time to time since KMT ( Kuomintang) regained power in 2008. According to the survey data conducted by the Election Study Center of National Chengchi University in 2013, the ratio of Taiwanese people identifying themselves as sole Taiwanese is 57.5%, it is nearly 10% higher than that in 2008. How come China's authority to deal with the trend of identity differentiation between Taiwan and Mainland China? Mainland China scholars regarded Taiwanese national identity as a key factor to build cross-strait political mutual trust, and proposed to restore and construct social and historical memory, deepen cross-strait economic cooperation to build mutual benefit economic community, promote cultural identity by enhancing cross-strait culture exchange so as to raise Chinese national identity. However, the "Sunflower student protest" on anti-service trade agreement with Mainland China apparently indicates that the above measures are not working. Mainland China scholars have focused more on discussing how to enhance political identity by way of strengthening cultural identity recently. The aim of the paper is trying to answer the question whether the new measure is able to reach the target