Add to ORKGThis paper examines the behavior of English negative indefinites under ellipsis. The main empirical observation is that negative indefinites cannot take scope out of a verbal ellipsis site. We propose that they involve fusion under adjacency between the clausal polarity head and an indefinite determiner, and this adjacency comes about under multidominance. Multidominance can feed the morphological coalescence of two syntactic terminals that on the surface do not appear to be adjacent. The claim that there is a morphological relation between these two heads—rather than a syntactic one—is supported by the fact that it can be bled by ellipsis. Given that ellipsis is a PF-process, it can block fusion, thus preventing high scope of negative inde...