Many languages respect the generalization that some or all unstressed vowels are deleted. This generalization proves elusive in classic Optimality Theory, however. The source of the problem is classic OT’s parallel evaluation, which requires that the effects of stress assignment and syncope be optimized together. This article argues for a version of OT called Harmonic Serialism, in which the effects of stress assignment and syncope can and must be evaluated sequentially. The results are potentially applicable to other domains where process interaction is best understood in derivational terms
Optimality Theory (McCarthy & Prince 1993a, 1993b Prince & Smolensky 1993) provides a very sound bas...
Revised December 2009 This paper is a shorter (and probably better) version of Harmony in Harmonic ...
Serial and parallel OT differ in the way they account for phonological generalizations referring to ...
Many languages respect the generalization that some or all unstressed vowels are deleted. This gener...
The most familiar architecture for Optimality Theory is a fully parallel one, meaning that all poss...
This dissertation proposes a model of word stress in a derivational version of Optimality Theory (OT...
The most familiar architecture for Optimality Theory is a fully parallel one, meaning that "all poss...
Optimality Theory (OT) is committed to a view of phonology where significant generalizations are pla...
In Optimality Theory, phonological patterns are accounted for with output constraints ranked in a hi...
Southern Pomo displays a process of rhythmic vowel deletion that appears to be sensitive to a metric...
A growing body of research provides evidence supporting Harmonic Serialism (HS; McCarthy 2000, 2008a...
Cross-level interactions are phonological processes that make reference to multiple levels of the pr...
Vowel harmony, a phonological process whereby adjacent vowels share values of a phonological feature...
This dissertation examines the distribution of high vowels and glides using Prince and Smolensky's O...
When a medial consonant cluster is simplified by deletion or place assimilation, the first consonant...
Optimality Theory (McCarthy & Prince 1993a, 1993b Prince & Smolensky 1993) provides a very sound bas...
Revised December 2009 This paper is a shorter (and probably better) version of Harmony in Harmonic ...
Serial and parallel OT differ in the way they account for phonological generalizations referring to ...
Many languages respect the generalization that some or all unstressed vowels are deleted. This gener...
The most familiar architecture for Optimality Theory is a fully parallel one, meaning that all poss...
This dissertation proposes a model of word stress in a derivational version of Optimality Theory (OT...
The most familiar architecture for Optimality Theory is a fully parallel one, meaning that "all poss...
Optimality Theory (OT) is committed to a view of phonology where significant generalizations are pla...
In Optimality Theory, phonological patterns are accounted for with output constraints ranked in a hi...
Southern Pomo displays a process of rhythmic vowel deletion that appears to be sensitive to a metric...
A growing body of research provides evidence supporting Harmonic Serialism (HS; McCarthy 2000, 2008a...
Cross-level interactions are phonological processes that make reference to multiple levels of the pr...
Vowel harmony, a phonological process whereby adjacent vowels share values of a phonological feature...
This dissertation examines the distribution of high vowels and glides using Prince and Smolensky's O...
When a medial consonant cluster is simplified by deletion or place assimilation, the first consonant...
Optimality Theory (McCarthy & Prince 1993a, 1993b Prince & Smolensky 1993) provides a very sound bas...
Revised December 2009 This paper is a shorter (and probably better) version of Harmony in Harmonic ...
Serial and parallel OT differ in the way they account for phonological generalizations referring to ...