Slovenian Embedded Imperatives as Covert Subjunctives

Slovenščina na področju velelnega naklona glede na medjezikovne posplošitve izkazuje posebnosti. Dovoljuje namreč podredne stavke z velelniki, kar je medjezikovno zelo redkodo nedavnega je v jezikoslovju celo prevladovalo mnenje, da so takšne zgradbe univerzalno nesprejemljive. V magistrskem delu predlagam sintezo obstoječih pristopov k velelnemu naklonu. Predlagam, da je velelni naklon v slovenščini v skladnji reprezentiran s tremi ločenimi oznakami, ki se nahajajo v treh ločenih projekcijah: nižji naklonski projekciji M, ki je podrejena TP in je mesto, kjer vznikne velelna morfologija, višji naklonski projekciji Mood, ki je TP nadrejena in je mesto oznake [irealis], povezane z modalnim pomenom velelnih stavkov, ter skrajni periferni projekciji Force oz. C, kjer se nahaja oznaka [IMP], povezana z velelnim stavčnim naklonom. V mojem sistemu je lahko velelnik kot glagolska oblika le morfološki in se torej lahko pojavi izven pravih velelnih zgradb, ki vsebujejo vse tri oznake. Predlagam, da se v slovenščini v podrednih stavkih pojavljajo prav takšni velelniki in pri teh stavkih v globini ne gre za velelne zgradbe, pač pa za subjunktivne.When it comes to the imperative sentence type, Slovenian exhibits unique characteristics in terms of cross-linguistic generalizations. It allows subordinate sentences that include imperative verbs, which are cross-linguistically very rareuntil recently they were even considered to be universally unacceptable. In this thesis, I propose a synthesis of existing approaches to the imperative. In my analysis, the Slovenian imperative is syntactically represented by three separate features located in three separate projections: a lower mood-related projection M, which is subordinate to TP and is the locus of the imperative verbal morphology, a higher mood-realted projection Mood, which is superordinate to TP and is the locus of the feature [irrealis] associated with the modal meaning of the imperative sentence, and the outermost peripheral projection Force/C, where the feature [IMP] associated with the imperative sentence type is located. In my system, the imperative as a verb form can be merely morphological, and thus can occur outside true imperative constructions containing all three features. I propose that Slovenian subordinate clauses include exactly such imperative verbs and that the deep structure of these clauses is thus not imperative, but subjunctive