Some notes on the contribution of Hungarian anaphors

This paper discusses the grammar of two Hungarian reflexives to argue that their complex and seemingly inconsistent behaviour in different agreement constructions can be described adequately at f-structure via the assumption that these anaphors only constrain the INDEX features of their antecedents. The primary reflexive does not have f-structure INDEX features of its own, and while the complex reflexive does, these are non-identical to the antecedent INDEX feature bundle. The curren tproposal is shown to be more comprehensive in coverage than previous LFG analyses by Laczkó (2013) and Rákosi (2009). Recent work in LFG emphasizes the need to separate the binding and the agreement aspects of anaphoric dependencies into s-structure and f-structure, respectively (see Haug 2014 and Dalrymple et al. 2018), and this paper provides further arguments for this approach