On the lack of φ-feature resolution in DP coordinations: Evidence from Czech

The paper investigates a feature valuation in the context of more than one acces- sible goal. Concretely, the paper provides novel empirical evidence that there is no φ-feature resolution in syntactic agree. The apparent feature resolution of gen- der and number agreement previously reported in the Slavic literature on agree- ment with coordinated DPs is a side-effect of morphological realization of person feature that arises at the syntax–semantics interface. Furthermore, the proposal suggests that even non-default overt morphological marking of agreement might not faithfully reflect the narrow-syntax feature valuation, a result which seriously questions the validity of some core generalizations about agreement properties of natural languages. The core data comes from the agreement with coordinated noun phrases in Czech