A non-overt negative operator in French

This paper addresses negative ne, N eg0, in French which is restricted to contextsof sentential (as opposed to constituent) negation. This association is attributed toa single mechanism: ne is licensed and sentential negation is marked via DynamicAgreement in an S-Structure spec-head configuration with a negative operator inSpecNegP, whereby the [+NEG] feature of the operator is transmitted to Neg°.This conclusion explains central propeties of the negative operator pas. While pascan appear in situ, below SpecNegP, it cannot license nefrom such a position andit has narrow scope; to license ne and have wide scope, pas must overtly raise toSpecNegP. This analysis works well where sentential negation is marked by pasbut there are problems where sentential negation is marked, for example, by plusor rien, which will be termed associates. In such contexts, ne can be licensed andsentential negation marked without the associate occupying SpecNegP at SStructure.Other authors have solved the problem by assuming: (a) that associatesare negative operators like pas; (b) that they raise to SpecNegP at LF; and, (c)that it is at LF that ne is licensed and sentential negation marked. This analysis isproblematic since it provides no principled account for why pas cannot raise toSpecNegP at LF too. In this paper, in contrast, S-Structure is maintained as therelevant level of representation. The inability of pas to mark sentential negationand license ne from below SpecNegP is thus explained. As for the problematicassociates, it is argued that these are not in fact negative operators. Rather, thenegative operator which occupies SpecNegP — licensing ne and marking sententialnegation — is a non-oven element: Op, an alternative surface form (with distinctlicensing conditions) to pas of the same lexical item. Crucially, Op occupiesSpecNegP at S-Structure and the original analysis ofnt licensing can be maintained