Political and Administrative Structure of Tabal Country

Hitit İmparatorluğu’nun yıkılması sonucu ortaya çıkan şehir devletleri içerisinde en batıda yer alanı Tabal idi. Asur kaynaklan ve hiyeroglif yazıtların dağılım sahalarından hareketle, ülkenin coğrafî sınırlannm doğuda Malatya ve Gürün’den, batıda Tuz Gölü’ne; kuzeyde Kızılırmak’tan, güneyde Toroslara kadar uzandığı anlaşılmaktadır. Tabal Ülkesi’nin yayılım sahası; dağları, ovalan, akarsulan ve gölleriyle coğrafî bir çeşitliliğe sahiptir. Söz konusu çeşitliliğe paralel olarak ülkede kültürel ve politik bir çeşitliliğin olduğu da anlaşılmaktadır. Birçok küçük devletten oluşan Tabal’ın, İdarî sınırlan ise sıklıkla değişmiştir. Asur kaynaklannda Tabal adına ilk kez III. Salmanassar döneminde (M.Ö. 858-827) rasdanmaktadır. Bu Asur kralı zamanında ülkenin çok sayıda yerel krallıktan oluşmuş bir konfederasyon olduğu anlaşılıyor. Tabal’ın birleşik krallıklardan oluşan politik yapısı, III. Tiglatpileser zamanı (M.Ö. 745-727) Asur kaynakları tarafından da doğrulanmaktadır. III. Tiglatpileser’in M.Ö. 738 yılı annallerinden öğrenildiğine göre Uassurme (Wasusarmas) ile birlikte, yine Tabal ile ilgili krallar olan Ushitti, Urballa, Tuhamme ve Urimme Asur’un yönetimi altında olup, vergi yermektedir. Aynı zamanda bu krallar, Topada’da yazıdan ele geçmiş Tabal’ın “Büyük Kralı” Wasusarmas’a bağlılıklarım bildirmişlerdir. Öte yandan II. Sargon (M.Ö. 722-705)’un M.Ö. 710-709’da Kilikya valisine yazmış olduğu mektupta geçen Muşki’li Mita ilgili bilgiler, dolaylı olarak Tabal Bölgesi olaylarına da ışık tutmaktadır. Mektupta o zamana kadar düşmanca bir tavır sergileyen Mita’mn Asur’a yakınlaşmak amacıyla adımlar attığı bildirilir. Mektubun Tabal ile ilgili bölümünden ülkenin bir konfederasyon olduğu ve krallar arasında hiyerarşik bir politik teşkiladanmanın olduğu açıkça anlaşılmaktadır. Ayrıca Tabal sınırlan içerisinde bulunan hiyeroglif yazıdar da bölgede bağımlı krallann varlığım doğrulamaktadırlar. Söz konusu yazıdarda Tabal yerel krallanndan bazılan, daha güçlü olan yerli bir krala bağlı olarak hareket ettiklerini anlatıyorlar. İşte bu makalenin amacı, Asur kaynaklan ve hiyeroglif yazıdar ışığında Tabal Ülkesi’nin politik yapısı ve yerel güçlerin rolünü gözler önüne sermektir. Bu şekliyle çalışma, Tabal’m M.Ö. IX. Yüzyıl sonlarından M.Ö. VII. Yüzyıl ortalarına kadar olan tarihi konusunda genel bir değerlendirmeyi de içermektedir.Tabal was in the farthest west among the city-states which emerged after the collapse of the Hittite Empire. According to the Assyrian sources and the Distribution areas of the hierogliphic inscriptions, it is to be understood that the georaphical borders of the country extended from Malatya and Gürün in the east to the Salt Lake in the west; from Kızılırmak in the North to Taurus Mountains in the south. The area where Tabal Country was spreaded had a wide geographical diversity consisting of mountains, planes, rivers and lakes. Parallel to such diversity, it is to be understood that the country hosted a cultural and political diversity as well. The administrative boundaries of Tabal, consisting of many small states had often changed. The name Tabal is to be found in Assyrian sources during the time of Salmanassar III. (858-824 B.C.). The said Assyrian king, in an inscription on one of his statutes where the events during the 22nd year of his reign were published, stated the he passed through Euphrate 22 times and received extortion from all of the Hatti State and Melid (Malatya) State. Later, Salmanassar passed through Timur Mountain and down to the Tabal State burned the cities of 20 Tabal kings. Again, during the expeditions of Salmanassar III.’s in his 23rd year of reign, some Tabal kings are diclosed to have submitted gifts to him. During the last years of Salmanassar III, Tabal’s independence must be limited since they had to pay taxes to the Urartians during King Uassurme (Wasusarma) Period. The Tabal kings such as Tuatti, Kikki and Puhamme used to bear local names of Anatolia. Especially Tuatti among them, had reigned by keeping many cities in the west of Malatya, Artulu being the center under control. Urartu King Argishti I. (785-764 B.C.), during his campaign to Melid in 785 B.C., disclosed that he passed through the land of “Tuatti’s Sons”. Again in Urartian sources, it is explained that during the Argishti I. Period towards 775 B.C. they proceeded to Topada and Sarduri III. (645-635 B.C.) made Tabal a dependent kingdom. So, Tuatti and his descendents had a certain sovereignity here. The term “Tabal kings” mentioned in the campaign of the Assyrian King, is a sign of political plurality. The sheer number of the Tabal kings shows the existence of a political organization in the form city-states. The fact ¿at Tabal was a confederation consisting of many local kingdoms, is confirmed by the Assyrian sources from the period of Tiglatpileser III. (745-727 B.C.), too. As understood from the annuals of Tiglatpileser for the year 738 B.C., together with Uassurme, again the Tabal kings Ushitti, Urballa, Tuhamme and Urimme were under the sovereignity of Assyrians and paid them taxes. At the same time those kings have declared their commitment to the “Big King” of Tabal, Wasusarma, whose inscriptions were found in Topada. On the other hand, there are many inscriptions of local kings, which provide, information about Tabal in the period of Tiglatpileser III. The comparison of the names of the places and persons mentioned in the Assyrian sources with those in the local hierogliphic inscriptions are not only very important for the studies of localization but also for providing supportive information for Tabal’s political organisations, consisting of many kingdoms. So, the first of the three princes of. Kulu, whose names were given as Ruwas, Ilalis and Panunis in the inscription I of Kulu, is the vassal of the great king Tuwatis of Tabal Country. Tuwatis’ son, the “Big King” is Wasusarma. Aso in the Topada inscription, it is clearly to see that seven kings were against Wasusarma ans three kings were with him during the war in Parzuta. So Wasusarma was the big king and the others were his vassals. Also the writer of the Sultanhan inscription introduced himself as the vassal of Wasusarma. The term “Wasusarma’s vassal Sarwatiwara” in the same inscription shows the plurality in the local government. From the said inscriptions, it is to be understood that some of the local kings of Tabal had acted depending on a more powerful local king. As understood from the Nimrud tablet, Tiglatpileser III accused the Tabal king Uassurme of not showing the necessary respect to himself, disregarding the success of Assuria and not coming to visit him. Probably in the year 730 B.C., he deposed him through one of his posts Rabsaku and brought Hulli and received tax from him. ile herhangi bir sorun yaşamadan Hulli’s kingdom ended without any problems with the Assyrians and his son Ambaris succeeded him. Int his way, Sargon II (722-705 B.C.), who who regained the old status of Tabal, provided the return of the people exiled to Assuria. Sargon, made Ambaris marry his daughter Ahat-abisa and as her dowry he gave Hilakku. However, in the year 718 B.C., Ambaris allied with the Urartian king Rusa and Mushki king Mita and rebelled against the Assyrians. Meanwhile another Tabal king allied with the king of Sinuhti (Aksaray) Kiakki, the king of Kargamish Pisiris and the king of Muşki Mita. Upon this event, Sargon II defeated them, conquered the land of Kiakki and gave it to Matti, the king of Atuna in the year 716 B.C. Sargon gathered his armee and ruined whole of the land of Tabal, deproted Ambaris, his tribe and the important men of his country to Assuria in the year 713 B.C. The information about the progress of Mita of Mushki, as explained in the letter written by Sargon II. to the governor of Cilicia in the year 710-709 B.C., indirectly shed light on the events are Tabal Region. Int his letter, it is stated that Mita, having a hostile attitude, took steps to approach to the Assyrians. The basic reason which made the two rivals and enemies to each other must be the threat of Cimmerians, who aimed to ruin the whole region. On the other hand, from the said letter, it is to conclude that the people of Atunna and Istuanda attempted to become hostile against Bit-Burutas. Because Urballa, one of the kings of Tabal, complains to the governor of Que (Cilicia) that the people of Atunna and Istuanda had plundered the villages of Bit-Burutas. Probably the kings of Atunna and Istuanda, being the vassal of Urballa had also sent message containing an apoligise for their attitudes as well. Besides all of these facts, the description “all of the Tabal kings” in the letter and in the Nimrud inscription of Sargon II, and events like mentioning his deport of the Sinuhtu people under the Tabal king to Kiakki, reveal that the previous political structure of Tabal continued during the period of this Assyrian king as well. In the times of Sanherip (705-681 B.C.), no other information about Tabal is available except the Tilgarimmu (Gürün) on the Tabal borders was totally ruined in a campaign. Int he times of Asarhaddon (681-668 B.C.), Iskallu in Tabal allied with Mugallu, the king of Melid in the year 675 B.C. A short time after the said alliance Mugallu must have declared himself as the king of Tabal. Because in the times of Assurbanipal (668-626 B.C.) Mugallu was regarded as the king of Tabal and it is stated that he sent his daughter to the said Assyrian king with a rich dowry. It is accepted that by the submission of Mugallu to the Assyrian sovereignty, the political presence of Tabal came to an end. The name Tabal is not found in the hierogliphic sources after that and it confirms this fact as well. Moreover in the continuation of the political and administrative structures of Tabal country, the border policies which the new Assyrian kings have applied seem to have formed an important factor. Even in the most powerful times of the Assyrians, Tabal was not taken under the sovereignity of Assyrians. The desired political efficiency on the country was gained through the taxes and tributes taken from the defeated kings of Tabal as a result of the campaigns. They provided a certain political freedom by enabling the local forces in the administration of Tabal and applied a policy of continuation of structure lacking a political unity in the country. The aim of this article is to reveal the political structure and the role of the local powers of the Tabal State under the lights of Assyrian sources and hierogliphic inscriptions. In this way, the study contains also a general evaluation of the history from the end of IX. Century B.C. until the mids of VII. Century B.C