Reflexiones sobre una eventual reforma constitucional de los institutos de democracia directa y semidirecta

Abstract:Despite the theoretical linkage of direct participation to the idea of democracy, the Spanish constituent was extraordinarily prudent in regulating the semi-direct democracy institutes by the fear of the political left to the repetition of the negative historical experiences in the use of the referendum; Its decided option for representative democracy was beyond doubt in parliamentary debates. That is why the 1978 text is extraordinarily sober in the acceptance of both the popular initiative and the referendum. And it has been no less the practice during 40 years of these instruments. However, the most recent political formations present in the Parliament claim the importance of semi-direct democracy at the institutional level, while in parallel we observe new democratic forms in the action of the political parties themselves. But it is not clear that they are claiming semi-direct democracy as an instrument of popular participation, but rather seems to be invoked as an instrument of constitutional change to which the new left tend, as a constituent exercise, without a project of acceptance of such General means (or exercise parallel to that of the «constituted» powers). The recent experience of referendums in democratic countries with surprising results requires them to be taken into account when reflecting on a possible constitutional reform affecting the relevant institutes.Resumen:Pese a la teórica vinculación de la participación directa a la idea de democracia, la constituyente española fue extraordinariamente prudente en la regulación de los institutos de democracia semidirecta por temor de la izquierda a la repetición de las negativas experiencias históricas en el uso del referéndum; su decidida opción por la democracia representativa quedo fuera de toda duda en los debates parlamentarios. Por ello el texto de 1978 es extraordinariamente sobrio en la aceptación tanto de la iniciativa popular como del referéndum. Y no lo ha sido menos la práctica durante 40 años de estos instrumentos.Sin embargo, las más recientes formaciones políticas presentes en el Parlamento reivindican la importancia de la democracia semidirecta a nivel institucional como en paralelo observamos nuevas formas democráticas en la acción de los propios partidos políticos. Pero no queda claro que se este reivindicando la democracia semidirecta como instrumento de participación popular sino más bien parece invocarse como instrumento de un cambio constitucional al que tienden las nuevas izquierdas, a modo de ejercicio constituyente, sin que sea patente un proyecto de aceptación de tales medios con carácter general (o de ejercicio paralelo al de los poderes «constituidos»).La reciente experiencia de referéndums en países democráticos de nuestro entorno con resultados algo sorprendentes obliga a tenerlos en cuenta a la hora de reflexionar ante una posible reforma constitucional que afecte a los institutos de referencia. Ello explica las referencias comparadas que en el texto se contienen.Summary:I. Again on the idea of participation and democracy. II. Reluctance of the spanish constituent to host institutes of direct and semi-direct democracy. III. Four decades of democratic constitutional regime. IV. Some recent experiences in comparative law. V. On a possible constitutional reform that drives its development: possibilities and risks.Abstract:Despite the theoretical linkage of direct participation to the idea of democracy, the Spanish constituent was extraordinarily prudent in regulating the semi-direct democracy institutes by the fear of the political left to the repetition of the negative historical experiences in the use of the referendum; Its decided option for representative democracy was beyond doubt in parliamentary debates. That is why the 1978 text is extraordinarily sober in the acceptance of both the popular initiative and the referendum. And it has been no less the practice during 40 years of these instruments. However, the most recent political formations present in the Parliament claim the importance of semi-direct democracy at the institutional level, while in parallel we observe new democratic forms in the action of the political parties themselves. But it is not clear that they are claiming semi-direct democracy as an instrument of popular participation, but rather seems to be invoked as an instrument of constitutional change to which the new left tend, as a constituent exercise, without a project of acceptance of such General means (or exercise parallel to that of the «constituted» powers). The recent experience of referendums in democratic countries with surprising results requires them to be taken into account when reflecting on a possible constitutional reform affecting the relevant institutes