Relativization in Thulung Rai

International audienceThree morphemes are found in relativization scenarios in Thulung Rai (Kiranti subgroup, Tibeto-Burman, Eastern Nepal): a finite nominalizer –m (along with allomorph –mim), and two participial markers, -pa and –ma,. The distribution of the morphemes for relativization is according to semantico-syntactic role, but also involves tense.For relativization on an S argument, we find both –m and –pa, with a tense-based preference of –pa for non-past events (ex. 1), and –m for past (ex. 2).(1) kruk-pa gupsy roar-ptcp tiger‘the roaring tiger’(2) on-ɖa-m myʦy run-3sg.pst-nmlz person‘the person who ran’For relativization on an A argument, the only possible morpheme is –pa’ (ex. 3).(3) ma:ke khli-pa myʦy grains plant-ptcp person‘the person planting grains(4) *ma:ke khli-jy-mim myʦy grains plant-3sg>3sg.npst-nmlz person ‘the person who is planting grains’For relativization on P, both –m (ex. 5) and –ma (ex. 6) are used, but –pa is blocked.(5) py-ɖy-m ʣam eat-3sg>3sg.pst-nmlz food‘the eaten food’(6) pe-m-ma ʣam eat-copy-pctp food‘the eaten food’It seems that, while –m is the primary morpheme used for relativization (it occurs with finite verbs), with an allomorphic distribution between –m and –mim based on syllable length and tense, the fact that relativization on A is not allowed with –m has promoted relativization with participials as an alternate strategy. The result is a system of mixed strategies taking into account both the semantico-syntactic role of the relativized noun and the tense of the verb in the relative clause. This presentation describes the distribution which has been found through narrative materials and elicitation, and which is far more nuanced than had previously been described (Lahaussois 2003)