Presupposition projection out of quantified sentences : strengthening, local accommodation and inter-speaker variation

Presupposition projection in quantified sentences is at the center of debates in the presupposition literature. This paper reports on a survey revealing inter-speaker variation regarding which quantifier yields universal inferences-which Q in Q(B)(λx.C(x) p(x)) supports the inference ∀x ∈ B: p(x). We observe an implication that if some yields a universal inference for a speaker, no, and any in a polar question do as well. We propose an account of this implication based on a trivalent theory of presupposition projection together with auxiliary assumptions suggested by [8].10 page(s