The structure of internally headed relative clauses : implications for configurationality

This dissertation investigates the structure of Internally Headed Relative Clauses (henceforth, IHRCs) within the framework of Government and Binding Theory. I propose that the structure of IHRCs involves a modifying clause predicted of a head. We provide empirical as well as conceptual arguments showing that the head of an IHRC is a pro licensed by coindexation with the internal head. Following Safir's (1986) LCR, this licensing must be mediated by A$ sp prime$-Binding, which is effected by operator-movement to COMP within the modifying clause. Island Constraints provide evidence for operator-movement in IHRCs. IHRCs pattern with other Wh-constructions in this way. Correlatively, if there are no Island effects in IHRCs, there are no Island effects with other Wh-constructions (cf. Lakhota, Mojave). In this case an Unselective Binding relation is established in the language. Other properties such as the Definiteness Effect and the occurence of Switch-reference markers in IHRCs in Choctaw are also shown to follow from independent parameters.The consequences of our analysis for Baker's (to appear) theory of Configurationality are explored. We propose to expand Baker's theory to allow "discontinuous" constituents of the type (Wh$ sb1$ ... OP$ sb1$) to account for Island effects in IHRCs of pronominal languages like Mohawk and Navajo.No special rules for the interpretation of IHRCs are required. The LF-Raising rule proposed in Williamson (1987), which raises the internal head at LF to the COMP of the IHRC is shown to derive from the LCR as it is required to create an operator-variable (A$ sp prime$-Binding) relation. We provide further independent evidence for this rule in Chapter 2