The vote to Italians overseas: a democratic right, a democratic wrong or electoral opportunism

The recent Italian elections produced a razor-thin majority for the centre-left Prodi-led coalition. The Berlusconi centre-right government, the longest continuous government in post-war times, lost narrowly to a conglomerate of centre-left parties. The vote was so close that the nature of the voting system and technical voting aspects assumed greater importance. Changes to the voting system enacted by the Berlusconi government, and thought to favour the centre-right coalition, eventually worked against it. But the greatest and ultimately decisive novelty of the elections, given its closely fought nature, was the vote to the Italians living overseas. The law allowing the vote for Italians living overseas was passed in 2001 under the direction of Berlusconi's centre-right coalition government, but was in fact supported across bi-partisan lines. The law granted full voting rights to Italians overseas and those of Italian descent, as long as they complied with Italian citizenship requirements. The elections of 2006 would be the first time the vote of Italians overseas would count in such a decisive and crucial manner--amply transcending the expectations and impact its supporters foresaw. Some 1.1 million overseas Italians eligible to vote cast their ballot papers by mail and elected in the Italian Parliament their own representatives (12 deputies and 6 senators). This extraordinary model of political participation and representation, which is both unique and unprecedented in Italian history, draws one's attention to the possible impact this model may have on the receiving end, the Italian Parliament, and in the not too distant future, on elections involving the European Parliament. Italy, like other countries, has chosen the 'blood line' (Jus sanguinis) as the common denominator for deciding citizenship eligibility. This raises many contentious issues about democratic rights. Seen from the standpoint of democracy there are aspects of this vote to Italians overseas, its origins and drivers, and eventually its application. For many of Italian background, as well as observers, throughout the world, the impressions were a mixture of stupor, excitement, challenge and perplexity. Seen from the Australian standpoint the vote to Italians would assume even greater importance as it eventually translated into a senator whose vote to the Prodi coalition would provide the slender majority, and therefore -one could argue- the balance of power in favour of the centre-left coalition. But there are far greater political principles involved in this newly acquired right to vote for Italians. This paper seeks to review the constitutional-legal debate that preceded the Italian overseas vote Act (2001) and pose ethical and political considerations about whether this Italian-made model of political participation and representation of Italians overseas is based on acceptable democratic principles. Moreover the paper will seek to establish if this extension of the voting right is a democratic right or wrong, and one that could become copied by other communities with a large diaspora and immigrant populations resident outside its homeland