article 4_V_3

©2 20 00 05 5--2 20 00 09 9 Q Qu ua al li it ta at ti iv ve e S So oc ci io ol lo og gy y R Re ev vi ie ew w V Vo ol lu um me e V V I Is ss su ue e 3 3 w ww ww w. .q qu ua al li it ta at ti iv ve es so oc ci io ol lo og gy yr re ev vi ie ew w. .o or rg g 64 Q Qu ua al li it ta at ti iv ve e S So oc ci io ol lo og gy y R Re ev vi ie ew w Volume V, Issue 3 -December 2009 Krzysztof Konecki University of Lodz, Poland Teaching Visual Grounded Theory Abstract The paper is based on personal 20-years experience of teaching methodology of grounded theory and qualitative methods. In the following paper I would like to show the usefulness of visual analysis in teaching methodology of grounded theory. A very important tool is to use pictures and a sequencing of pictures, which give a comparative insight into empirical data and teaches the comparative method that is so important to generate theory In other case, the sequences of pictures given to students are not planned. They are almost accidentally created and force students to find patterns by means of the comparative analysis. We should always know what had happened before a picture was taken as well as afterwards, it is similar to sequences analysis in textual data Students are also encouraged to make a theoretical sampling and saturate categories using data from photos and other visual data. This helps them to proceed with the research from empirical incidents to conceptually elaborated properties of categories and finally to the definition of category and formulating the hypotheses. In this way they learn visual grounded theory that is using the visual images for generating categories, properties and hypotheses and also for presenting results of analysis in the final report. Keywords Visual grounded theory; Homelessness; Photography; Visual sociology; Qualitative data analysis; Visual processes; Teaching qualitative methods; Qualitative sociology. The methods and knowledge about teaching of qualitative research is developing very rapidly now. There is possibility to learn how to teach from the description of cases of teaching In my practice I usually teach qualitative methods through projects. Students receive a general outline of a research project and how to do a field of study. The most often used methodology of research and data analysis is grounded theory methodology (GTM). After introducing students to methods and procedures of research and analysis of data we start to collect data. Data is collected with different techniques in order to learn how to use them and to find different "slice of data" (including data from internet), that help in generating the properties of category, especially these connected with conditions and consequences We have three goals of this paper to achieve. First and the most important is to describe the ways of teaching grounded theory by using visual images. The two other goals are subservient to the first one: to describe visual grounded theory as it is used in practice and the last one to show the analysis of visual data by presenting brief results of a research on homeless people. A didactic and, at the same time, a research project on homelessness have been partially accomplished in Lodz 39 . The students participating in the project studied specialization of social work. One of the didactic aims of the project was to teach the students sensitivity and "intimate familiarity" of the field and finally to generate more formal categories and construct hypotheses to get basic knowledge on grounded theory. The research project was connected with the general outline, which was prepared beforehand, in order to gather the most important information on 36 see for example: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=em3dRhwQEAA 37 see for example: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FtyNe9w5Pb4 38 http://www.nova.edu/ssss/QR/ 39 Lodz University, June and July of 2008, twenty students involved in the project © ©2 20 00 05 5--2 20 00 09 9 Q Qu ua al li it ta at ti iv ve e S So oc ci io ol lo og gy y R Re ev vi ie ew w V Vo ol lu um me e V V I Is ss su ue e 3 3 w ww ww w. .q qu ua al li it ta at ti iv ve es so oc ci io ol lo og gy yr re ev vi ie ew w. .o or rg g 66 "being homeless". The strategy of research applied in this study is grounded theory and the qualitative methods of research are: narrative interview (20 interviews done and transcribed during one month), open-ended interview (40 done during one month and transcribed) and photography (800 photos done during one month and described) and repeated visits in shelters. There were at least 60 homeless involved at the project during one month. Data were collected either at the shelters or in the places where homeless people lived (streets, forest, allotments etc.). Homeless people were asked to show the photographer their silhouettes, it means their photos with physical objects and surrounding that indicate their identity and past, present and future orientation to life. We started our research with collecting photos of homeless people from Internet and with analysing them. We used also other data on homeless people from Internet (video, journal articles and plain information). This is the manner in which not only do I teach technical aspects of carrying of empirical-sociological research, but also sociological, theoretical as well as social sensitivity. All these sensitivities are obtained by analysing collected visual images of investigated problem. We want usually to be very close to the contexts of activities of the researched subjects and we are also interested in their experiences. The data elaborated conceptually were evaluated further by new data (and new kind of data) and further by theoretical elaboration that we did together in the class. We follow here the constructivist tradition of grounded theory with reference to pragmatist tradition If we see things from the field presented in photos, we can try to put ourselves in the context as a participant of this situation or to be an observer. In both cases we are close to the investigated situation. Obtaining "intimate familiarity" is also the question of memory. Photos could be a good "artificial limb" of our memory. Pictures can sometimes give more information about the conditions of life than investigated social actors (see the paragraph "Saturating the category and theoretical sampling"). Being familiar with the situation is connected with our ability to obtain and process as much information from the field to our computer files, as it is possible. Photography is very helpful here. Moreover, it links the empirical context with analytical categories, what is so important in the constructivist approach of grounded theory. We see the links directly, what is indicated by category and we strictly keep track of our conceptual thinking to empirical (visual) data. It is very important in evaluation of the research that is done in grounded theory style Strauss 1990, 2007). What we actually do, it is a practice of visual grounded theory, that is associated with using visual data as a base for generating codes, categories and properties of categories and also for the theoretical sampling, saturating categories and for using constant comparative method in analysing of data. Finally visual images are also important in presenting elaborated theoretical statements and theory. The all kind of visual data could be used in analyses. We can paraphrase the dictum of Glaser that "all is data" for a dictum "the all visual data could be analysed". We remember that data are constructed and we should also analyse the context of constructing it. Visual data are also helpful in constructing the theoretical hypothesis/thesis. We can do it as A. Clarke does. She used both grounded theory and situational analysis for analysing discourses with extension to the historical, narrative and visual discourse materials to generate situational maps of these discourses (2005) or, as we do, to concentrate on visual data as a very important "slice of data" in generating theories of visual processes or just "visual properties" of categories that later we construct as a theory. However we should remember about of visual data as visual modes that can be implicated and "realism of gaze" should be carefully Qu ua al li it ta at ti iv ve e S So oc ci io ol lo og gy y R Re ev vi ie ew w V Vo ol lu um me e V V I Is ss su ue e 3 3 w ww ww w. .q qu ua al li it ta at ti iv ve es so oc ci io ol lo og gy yr re ev vi ie ew w. .o or rg g 67 the truth Ethnographic visual research on homelessness as an example in teaching We want to show our way of doing visual grounded theory basing on the research on homelessness. There are examples of qualitative visual research on homelessness that use the cooperative approach, in which the researched people take active part in producing data. Radley, Another qualitative research is on "homeless places" as homeless people see them. It is a research on geography of homelessness, on "known" spaces and "hidden" spaces (Johnsen et.al. 2008). A group of homeless people were asked to take pictures using disposable cameras delivered by the researchers. The research was a kind of auto-photography (or self-directed photography) that was taken after conducting in-depth interviews (personal history, the route into homelessness). After obtaining pictures the homeless photographers were reinterviewed about the pictures. The pictures provided photo-cartography of the habitats of homeless people. They showed well-known places as car parks, hostels, street drinking sites, squats or less known areas such as camping sites and places to beg. However some places were not photographed because of inability of access to them (Johnsen et.al. ibidem,). We have got also the classical work on a specific homeless people, the hobos, by Nels The photos were used as the auxiliary data about homelessness in the above investigations. We try to use such data for analytic purposes to generate categories, properties of categories by using the coding procedure, memoing and comparative method 68 Analysis by comparison of pictures in sequences -artificial sequencing. Pictures provide substantive knowledge about the field, and they are very important in ethnographical endeavours. However, comparing described and coded pictures gives a possibility to generate categories and their properties. If we compare pictures of homeless people, we can generate the properties of conditions of their life (homological comparisons) 40 . If we compare photos of a homeless man and an entrepreneur or manager, we generate properties of categories describing social stratification or social stratifying process (analogical comparisons) 41 . We can elaborate during comparisons differences substantively and immediately conceptually at the same time; they become the source of distinctions and properties. Below the analysis of the pictures comes from research and theoretical memos that we write after coding and comparing the pictures. While watching the sequence of pictures we commence a comparative process. Without comparing things we are unable to typify and create the plan to act. Our mind works comparatively, it demands sequences to create the plan of action or action itself that exists only in time, that means, in an ongoing process. The process is an emerging activity of behaviours that are successively compared. We can have a natural sequence from naturally photographed action in progress. We take pictures one by one to show how people act, work, teach, produce something etc. By means of photographs we represent what is "really" happening in the observed situation. We can also create stills from video-camera recordings that represent particular actions, e.g. debating, playing, walking, fighting, etc. We can also create artificial sequence for comparing things or actions. Let us examine sequence of photos taken mainly by homeless people from a Photographic Club functioning in the shelter in the city of Lodz (photos by homeless were taken from the Internet what is indicated under each photo) and others. We analysed it together with students of social work during practical classes where I taught visual grounded theory (June 2008 in Lodz). It was just the beginning of the research and we have a vague and common sense perspective on homelessness. In this way we obtained a visual perspective of the world from the point of view of homeless people because homeless photographers had taken the pictures. Although this seems to give a direct access to the attitudes of homeless, we should remember that some conventions of photography and technical aspects of photographing create visual data and they are not absent in any act of photographing the world (Banks 2007). Also homeless people have some idea what is photography and photographing? We took some photos for analysis that were not fully intentionally chosen to represent some topics of homeless life. They also do not represent any action step by step. They were chosen almost on random, just to show something interesting to the sociologically/socially oriented students and to start description of photos and open coding of them. However, we should remember that mainly homeless photographers took the photos. The students analysing pictures were studying social work and were sent to shelters for homeless people and to the streets to find homeless people and conduct open-ended and narrative interviews and to take pictures of physical objects and spaces that show their identity and orientation to the past, present and future life. We attempted to prepare and to make students sensitive to the topic of homelessness by presenting them some pictures and analysing them together in the group and start conceptual thinking on it. We usually start our analysis in style of grounded theory from one photo that is described in details (see also Suchar 1997 about using photos in grounded theory research). In the first photo we also find some distinctions between objects, people, © ©2 20 00 05 5--2 20 00 09 9 Q Qu ua al li it ta at ti iv ve e S So oc ci io ol lo og gy y R Re ev vi ie ew w V Vo ol lu um me e V V I Is ss su ue e 3 3 w ww ww w. .q qu ua al li it ta at ti iv ve es so oc ci io ol lo og gy yr re ev vi ie ew w. .o or rg g 70 space aspects, that usually start the thinking process and analysis of the visual images. In the first picture we see a homeless man raking the rubbish from the lawn The picture was taken from the ground level perspective; the rubbish is seen in the foreground. In the background we can see people, so called "normals" and cars, (one is rather an expensive 4x4 Suzuki). What we see in the picture is the visual process that could be called "contrasting". Maybe the photographer is contrasting, together with the viewer (analyst), what is already socially contrasted. "Normal life" and wealth are visually presented in the background of poverty presented in foreground. Social world is seen in this proportion and that direction, first poverty, second wealth, at least at this picture. We see here the opposition of "homelessnormals". In other photo, the contrasting is going in opposite direction (see Photo 2: Easter in the shelter). We can see officials in the foreground, that came to the shelter for Easter celebration sitting at the table together with homeless people. There is more light directed onto the officials. They are well dressed, the men are wearing suits and ties and the women are dressed in two-piece costumes and have visible jewellery. They sit separately from the homeless and enjoy conversation with within their own circle. There is some dividing space between this group and the homeless. When we make a planimetrical division, the dividing the picture space is almost in the centre of the picture. In the background we can see the homeless, generally looking around and remaining silent. "Contrasting" is a social process that is also visually elaborated. Detecting the distinctions might be a kind of definition of the situation by the photographer (a homeless man from the photographic club); however, the pictures are related to a real situation and, for a sociological observer, socialstructural relations are visible at the first glance. In this particular case, the direction of seeing the social structure is reverse, compared to the first picture, in the 43 The sequence of analysis that is presented below is different from the sequence of the first presentation of pictures when we saw the pictures for the first time and started to analyze them. The sequence created later (ordering of pictures) changed according to our progress in the analysis. We started from the first picture and from category of "contrasting" process, however, not because the pictures were arranged in the way imposing the generation of this category. The arrangement of sequence of pictures during analysis and presentation is the effect of analysis and choosing particular topic by analysts. 44 Inscriptions below the pictures are codes of analysts; sometimes there is more then one code. © ©2 20 00 05 5--2 20 00 09 9 Q Qu ua al li it ta at ti iv ve e S So oc ci io ol lo og gy y R Re ev vi ie ew w V Vo ol lu um me e V V I Is ss su ue e 3 3 w ww ww w. .q qu ua al li it ta at ti iv ve es so oc ci io ol lo og gy yr re ev vi ie ew w. .o or rg g 71 foreground we can see "normals" that are here officials, and we can see homeless in the background (opposition of "homeless -normals"). Photo 2: Easter at the shelter, visual process of "contrasting"; Easter celebration; there is a remarkable space between officials and homeless sitting at Photo 3: "Contrasting" at the station; bench; the process of "benching" (photo taken from the research project). The "visual contrasting" of the official person to homeless people is visible in the Photo 3. Almost a quarter of the picture is filled with the body of the policeman and the intimate space around him. He is standing and looking down at two homeless men sitting at the bench somewhere at the station. One of them keeps his head down and is looking downwards, searching for documents (probably). Towards the right side we can see "normals" also sitting, however, at other bench. There is a pillar between them, giving the meaning of visual separation. We see the space dividing the two worlds. We also observe a "normal" man buying a ticket at the cashier. Here, once again, we have the homeless surrounded by the so-called "normal" world. Visual contrasting is mainly achieved by framing picture with the focus on the policeman, who is probably asking the homeless man for his ID card. The policeman is a main figure in the picture, representing the official world and the homeless men are outcasts because they are without home and are easily recognized not only by the police. We can observe the postures' opposition of Standing-Sitting (officialhomeless). Qu ua al li it ta at ti iv ve e S So oc ci io ol lo og gy y R Re ev vi ie ew w V Vo ol lu um me e V V I Is ss su ue e 3 3 w ww ww w. .q qu ua al li it ta at ti iv ve es so oc ci io ol lo og gy yr re ev vi ie ew w. .o or rg g 72 Photo 4: Work on Contrasting; door as a dividing line between the scene and the coulisses (ante-room); food; photographers work; Easter Celebration (http://www.bezdomni.ovh.org/easter.html). In the background of Photo 4 we can see a homeless photographer taking pictures. By his side there is an official discussing something in ante-room. The open door here is dividing the scene, where the ceremony is held, and the space behind the scene, the coulisses. We see the officials and homeless photographers working to show what is interesting and important for them. The contrast of the two social worlds is the most interesting thing that is emerging from the distinction of the scene and the coulisses 46 . Looking at the sequence of photos below we, as external observers, can get the impression of "the atmosphere of waiting". However it is very particular situation, because the waiting here seems to be for nothing concrete and nothing specific. There is rather nothing to do concerning homeless men. Photo 5 shows the homeless sitting on the bench, one is reading a newspaper, the other one, without shirt (probably it is hot outside) is smoking a cigarette (we see the length of the cigarette, how far it is smoked out?), and one homeless with a deformed head is looking into the camera. The atmosphere resembles holiday, however, we can see the bench situated near the shelter for homeless, where there is no holiday, but only permanent homeless life. "Eating and sleeping" are the properties of "the atmosphere of waiting" (see Photo 6). "The atmosphere of waiting", in turn, is probably a property of "homeless life atmosphere". There is no visible opposition in the picture, no contrasting. World and life are passing slowly and peacefully. The atmosphere of waiting is created among groups (see Photo 7). A very important element of the life of homeless people and "the atmosphere of waiting" is "sitting on the bench" (see Photo 7). We can observe it in a number of photos. Bench is connected with waiting as in the situation at the station (compare Photo 3); however, homeless people do not wait for anything concrete and special. Bench, then, as a physical object and space induce some specific action that we call "benching" (subcategory of "the at