Regionalisation as a strategy for development in West-Africa. : the case of OMVS

Over the past two decades we have seen an increased tendency for developing countries to regionalise. It is also widely believed that regionalisation may provide solutions to many developmental problems that cannot be solved on the national level. However, we live in an age of globalisation with a complex international structure and where the actors include international organisations, private enterprises and civil society along with national states. Thus, regional organisations room for manoeuvre is not obvious. This background forms the point of departure for this thesis: to what extent can a regional organisation define and implement a strategy of their own to obtain development and economic growth? This question was answered by studying a formal intergovernmental organisation within the theoretical frame of new regionalisation theories. The organisation chosen is a sub-regional organisation in West Africa; Organisation pour la mise en valeur de fleuve Sénégal/ Organisation for the Development of the Senegal River (OMVS). The research question is then: to what extent can OMVS define and implement a strategy of their own in order to obtain development and economic growth? The question was analysed on three different levels, the global, the wider regional and the national. On the global level the focus was on how the IFI s, WTO and private companies influence the OMVS. The analyses show that to some extent they can all be said to influence OMVS ability to define and implement a strategy of its own for development and economic growth. The main point from this level is that OMVS is operating in an international context that cannot be ignored. For example, the IFI s do not exert much direct influence on the OMVS, but as they have such clear priorities, and represent epistemic communities, they will in practice decide the type of projects OMVS can pursue. The analysis revealed how the IFI s priorities have shifted over time, and how these are reflected in OMVS programmes. This chapter also debated how ideology and the transfer of knowledge play an important role. On the regional level we saw how a complex myriad of organisations with overlapping tasks and member countries may create obstacles to OMVS work for development as it challenges the institutional capacity. On the other hand, we saw that the natural resource organisations of WARDA and CILSS may be a potential resource as they are both research-based. It was also on this level that I debated the conflict dimension between Mauritania and Senegal. As we may recall, this conflict has served as an important motivation for the cooperation, but a conflict such as this one can also threaten the cooperation. The national level was the final level of analysis. The organisation receives its mandate from the member countries so the strength of political will is crucial. How OMVS is perceived by national politicians is of vital importance for cooperation. Overall we found rather strong political will towards OMVS. However, neo-patrimonialism is rather widespread in West Africa. This is also the case in the OMVS countries. Although we cannot draw any causal conclusion from the material, it is clear that these structures can be found in the member countries of OMVS as well. It is only logical to assume that there is some influence on the organisations. As neo-patrimonialism, at least to some extent, can be viewed as a resource-draining system, this can be problematic for OMVS. On the national level it is also relevant to include aspects of being third world countries. Poor countries do not have the same capacity to face integration issues as developed ones do. Nonetheless, the analysis points in the direction that OMVS is perceived as being important enough to receive necessary support, both financial and otherwise. The last source of influence debated on the national level is the role of the local farmers - the ones who are meant to carry out a large part of the development in practice. Unfortunately, the OMVS has had a disappointing record here. The organisation has to a large extent failed to recognise the importance, to say nothing of the necessity of including the local farmers in its work. My conclusion from the analysis is that yes, the OMVS can to a great extent define and implement a strategy of its own to achieve development and economic growth, although fairly restricted from outside. More of concern however, is that it partly fails to acknowledge the political dimension development work implies. I believe that this is the one success criterion that needs to be recognised and addressed if the organisation is to continue the work for development and economic growth in the region they so very promisingly have started