Political structures and sustainable development : a case from the Costa Rican tourism industry

POLITICAL STRUCTURES AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT - A CASE FROM THE COSTA RICAN TOURISM INDUSTRY. The thesis is concerned with the decisions made by the Costa Rican tourism authorities in a case of large scale tourism development (Golfo de Papagayo). The Costa Rican government has committed themselves to pursue a development policy in accordance with the concept of 'sustainable development'. Tourism is launched as one of the main elements in a strategy to achieve economic and social development, while avoiding depletion of the natural resources. The project of Golfo de Papagayo is intended to be the new center of tourism development in Costa Rica, through a doubling of the country's hotel capacity. Golfo de Papagayo is an area on the north west coast, owned and managed by the national tourist bureau (ICT). ICT has depended on foreign investments in order to realize the project. This thesis is concerned with the decision of the Costa Rican tourism authorities of entering into an agreement with a Mexican company (Grupo Situr), for development of half the area of Golfo de Papagayo (1,000 hectares). After the agreement was signed, a major controversy occurred about the project in Costa Rica. Accusations were directed both towards the ICT and the Grupo Situr for disrupting the natural resources in the area and for not taking care of Costa Rican national interests. The controversy lasted for two years and the construction work in Golfo de Papagayo was stopped by the Supreme Court for half a year during spring 1995. In June 1995, the legal and political problems were solved, and the project could go on, by and large as it was initially planned. The main question that is asked in the thesis is: Why did the Costa Rican tourism authorities enter into this agreement? This question will be analyzed in three theoretical perspectives. First, the Costa Rican state is treated as a unitary, rational actor. The action is attempted explained through an analysis of the Costa Rican development goals and the distribution of power between Costa Rica and the Grupo Situr. Secondly, Putnam's perspective of a two-level game will be introduced. The Costa Rican chief negotiator will be in focus, and his actions will be seen in relation to the power and preferences of the domestic groups that would have to endorse the agreement in order for it to be valid. Explanations are sought in the chief negotiator' s personal preferences and in his conception of the opinions and power of the domestic constituency. Third, a structuring perspective on the chief negotiator' s action is applied. The perspective is broadened, not only from the interaction on the international level, to also including the domestic level, but from the single case of decision-making to the deeply layered practices in which the single action forms a part. This part of the thesis builds on Anthony Giddens concept of structures as rules and resources that actors draw upon, and simultaneously reproduce, in their actions. The structures of domination, legitimation and signification as they have developed in the Costa Rican political system are accounted for. It is argued that the Costa Rican chief negotiator's action of entering into the agreement with Grupo Situr was not in the best interest of Costa Rica. This, however, can not be explained by the power of their counterpart in the negotiation (Grupo Situr). It is argued that the chief negotiator's personal interest is reflected more clearly than the official Costa Rican development goals in the agreement. Through an analysis of the Costa Rican public opinion, it is argued that was is not very likely that a case like this should cause such a controversy. This is explained by reference to the Costa Rican structures of legitimation. By referring to the rules and resources inherent in the Costa Rican structures of domination, it is argued that the Costa Rican chief negotiator could rely on that his preferences in the case of Golfo de Papagayo would win through in the end. Before this could happen, however, the agreement had to go through a 'legitimizing process'. Through an analysis of the structures of signification, and the relation of this to the structures of domination, it is argued that 'sustainable development' bears specific connotations in the Costa Rican system. It is more a description of the good life in Costa Rica, and a guarantee that the basis for making a living in the peripheral areas will be sustained, than a sign of changes in Costa Rican development policy