The political dynamics of citizenship : an analysis of demographic structure, state-idea, and regime as determinants of citizenship policies regarding the palestinians in Israel, Jordan and Lebanon political dynamics of citizenship

The Political Dynamics of Citizenship. An analysis of demographic structure, state-idea, and regime as determinants of citizenship policy regarding the Palestinians in Israel, Jordan and Lebanon The theme of this thesis is citizenship. As a measure of inclusion or exclusion in a Political community, the citizenship status of Palestinians in Israel, Jordan, and Lebanon can be studied in order to find determinants of the states' citizenship policies. This thesis asks two main questions: i) What features of each state are challenged by the presence of the Palestinians?, and ii) How do Israel, Jordan, and Lebanon meet the challenge(s), by way of their citizenship policies? The features that are singled out as independent variables are demographic structure (prior), state-idea (prior), and regime (intermediate). Demographic structure is understood as the number and (relative) size of groups in the citizenry. The state-idea is the mein centripetal force utilized to pursue integration in a state. It is the normative foundation of the state, its raison d'etre. The regime concerns the mechanisms and principles of power distribution in a Political entity. Citizenship is defined as legal membership in a Political community, and citizenship policy is the dependent variable. I argue that Israel ("Israel proper") has a Jewish-Zionist state-idea; in other words, the stateidea expresses an understanding of the state as a Jewish state, accessible for Jews and by implication not for non-Jews. In concordance with this state-idea, the Israeli regime is labeled an ethnocracy. In an ethnocratic state there are qualified rights to citizenship, and ethnic affiliation is the distinguishing trait. In this line of "hinking the demographic structure of relevance is the distinction between Jews and non-Jews. Palestinians are cit~zens in Israel, but they have a reduced citizenship compared to the Jews. The Law of Return grants unhindered immigration and settlement for the Jewish nation in Israel. Every Jew is entitled to Israeli citizenship (by blood). Non-Jews, among which the Palestinians are, do not have an equal right. The WZO, the JA, and the JNF (which all have covenants with the government of Israel) have internal legislation to the effect that Jews have access to more land, housing, and similar resources than the non-Jewish part of the population. As the Palestinians are not members of the ethnically prominent group, their citizenship is reduced; they have jinsiyya and reduced mawatana whereas Jews have complete jinsiyya and muwatana. In Jordan the regime is monarchical and authoritarian, with some democratic sprinkling. This ties in with the state-idea which is dynastic; Jordan is the state where the Hashemites are in power. Demographically speaking, there are two nations in Jordan, and both are citizens of the state. The Palestinians are a challenge to the extent that they are not royal to the dynasty. Perceptions of disloyalty can be argued for when the Palestinians are found less frequently in the ruling elite; when they are absent from the sensitive positions of the security services; when they are absent from higher bureaucratic positions; and when the levering of the links between the West Bank and the East Bank in 1988 is reviewed. The latter meant that a politicized part of the citizenry was cut off from the state and their Jordanian citizenship revoked. Citizenship is saken away when royalty to the Hashemite dynasty is in question. In Lebanon the demographic structure is sectarian and the regime a consociational democracy. Political power is divided between the sects, in a confessional system of power distribution. The Christians and the Muslims are the mein categories, with internal divisjons. The state-idea is a contested and unresolved issue. The Palestinians are not citizens. Except when their inclusion is calculated to be a political gain. That is to say that Christian Palestinians have been naturalized, while Sunni Muslim Palestinians are still foreigners in this state. The political calculations are related to the balance between the communities. At present the census of 1932 determines the power distribution. An inclusion of large numbers of Palestinians in the Lebanese citizenry would mean either a change in demographic ratios or in the number of sects. Either way, the balance is affected. The objective of the general exclusion of Palestinians is to avoid a change in the citizenry which again would entall a change in the balance; inclusion would mean the ruin of the current balance