This paper reports on the prosody of rhetorical questions (RQs) and information-seeking questions (ISQs) in German for two question types-polar questions and constituent questions (henceforth " wh-questions"). The results are as follows: Phonologically, polar RQs were mainly realized with H-% (high plateau), while polar ISQs mostly ended in H-^H% (high-rise). Wh-RQs almost exclusively terminated in a low edge tone, whereas wh-ISQs allowed for more tonal variation (L-%, L-H%, H-^H%). Irrespective of question type, RQs were mainly produced with L*+H accents. Phonetically, RQs were more often realized with breathy voice quality than ISQs, in particular in the beginning of the interrogative. Furthermore, they were produced with longer constitue...
The intonational realization of utterances is generally characterized by regional as well as inter- ...
As first observed by Ladd in 1981, English polar questions with high negation (e.g., Aren't they add...
Studies of questions present strong evidence that there is no one-to-one relationship between intona...
This study investigates the prosody of rhetorical questions in German. In an interaction study we ex...
Rhetorical questions (RQs) differ from information-seeking questions (ISQs) in that they do not requ...
Previous results from laboratory experiments show that German speakers use prosody to distinguish be...
This article contributes to our knowledge about the prosodic realisation of rhetorical questions (RQ...
Questions can be marked as rhetorical by their prosodic realisation. In two eye-tracking experiments...
This dissertation thesis is concerned with rhetorical questions in German at the prosody-meaning int...
This paper reports on a production experiment investigating the prosodic realization of rhetorical q...
In many languages, rhetorical questions (RQs) are produced with different prosodic realizations than...
The present study investigates the prosody of information-seeking (ISQs) and rhetorical questions (R...
The present study compares the prosody of string-identical information-seeking (ISQs) and rhetorical...
We investigate the intonation of information-seeking and rhetorical questions in Icelandic. The resu...
We hypothesise that a speaker using falling intonation on a Wh-question, which corresponds to the de...
The intonational realization of utterances is generally characterized by regional as well as inter- ...
As first observed by Ladd in 1981, English polar questions with high negation (e.g., Aren't they add...
Studies of questions present strong evidence that there is no one-to-one relationship between intona...
This study investigates the prosody of rhetorical questions in German. In an interaction study we ex...
Rhetorical questions (RQs) differ from information-seeking questions (ISQs) in that they do not requ...
Previous results from laboratory experiments show that German speakers use prosody to distinguish be...
This article contributes to our knowledge about the prosodic realisation of rhetorical questions (RQ...
Questions can be marked as rhetorical by their prosodic realisation. In two eye-tracking experiments...
This dissertation thesis is concerned with rhetorical questions in German at the prosody-meaning int...
This paper reports on a production experiment investigating the prosodic realization of rhetorical q...
In many languages, rhetorical questions (RQs) are produced with different prosodic realizations than...
The present study investigates the prosody of information-seeking (ISQs) and rhetorical questions (R...
The present study compares the prosody of string-identical information-seeking (ISQs) and rhetorical...
We investigate the intonation of information-seeking and rhetorical questions in Icelandic. The resu...
We hypothesise that a speaker using falling intonation on a Wh-question, which corresponds to the de...
The intonational realization of utterances is generally characterized by regional as well as inter- ...
As first observed by Ladd in 1981, English polar questions with high negation (e.g., Aren't they add...
Studies of questions present strong evidence that there is no one-to-one relationship between intona...