Deaccenting and Higher-Order Unification

The HOU based analysis of ellipsis presented in (Dalrymple et al., 1991; Shieber et al., 1996) was shown to correctly capture the complex interaction of VP-ellipsis, scope and anaphora and claimed to extend to further related phenomena. When applied to deaccenting, the analysis makes a strong prediction, namely that all anaphors occurring in the deaccented part of a deaccented utterance are parallel anaphors that is, anaphors that resolve to their parallel counterpart in the source. I argue that this prediction is supported by the data and show that it correctly captures the interaction of deaccenting with anaphora, (in)definiteness and focus