We present a theory of the pragmatics of comparative modified numerals such as more than~5. Our proposal is based on the assumption that they trigger alternatives derived from discrete "granularity scales". This is sufficient to explain the basic pattern of scalar implicatures from comparative numerals; we then show how extra assumptions of blind exhaustification and QUD uncertainty refine the prediction in that we can explain how and when comparative numerals trigger irrelevance inferences
Carter (Noûs 55(1):171–198, 2021) argued that while most simple positive numerical sentences are lit...
While most research on scalar implicature has focused on the lexical scale “some” vs “all,” here we ...
The pattern of implicatures of modified numeral `more than n' depends on the roundness of n. Cummins...
We present a theory of the pragmatics of comparative modified numerals such as more than~5. Our prop...
The quantifier "some" often elicits a scalar implicature during comprehension: "Some of today's lett...
We propose a new analysis of modified numerals that allows us to: (i) predict ignorance with respect...
Numerical expressions are often used imprecisely or approximately. This paper defends a novel analys...
We investigate the incremental interpretation of comparative and superlative numeral modifiers by ma...
Numerical noun phrases (NNPs) are ambiguous between at least two and exactly two interpretations. Th...
This paper focuses on English directional modified numerals up to n, which triggers opposite inferen...
This paper presents a theory of modified numerals that derives a three-way distinction in the implic...
Contains fulltext : 77319.pdf (publisher's version ) (Closed access)Superlative qu...
When faced with a sentence like "Some of the toys are on the table," adults, but not preschoolers, c...
We argue for a purely pragmatic account of the ignorance inferences associated with superlative but ...
Despite the rich theoretical and experimental work on scalar implicature, many of the studies on thi...
Carter (Noûs 55(1):171–198, 2021) argued that while most simple positive numerical sentences are lit...
While most research on scalar implicature has focused on the lexical scale “some” vs “all,” here we ...
The pattern of implicatures of modified numeral `more than n' depends on the roundness of n. Cummins...
We present a theory of the pragmatics of comparative modified numerals such as more than~5. Our prop...
The quantifier "some" often elicits a scalar implicature during comprehension: "Some of today's lett...
We propose a new analysis of modified numerals that allows us to: (i) predict ignorance with respect...
Numerical expressions are often used imprecisely or approximately. This paper defends a novel analys...
We investigate the incremental interpretation of comparative and superlative numeral modifiers by ma...
Numerical noun phrases (NNPs) are ambiguous between at least two and exactly two interpretations. Th...
This paper focuses on English directional modified numerals up to n, which triggers opposite inferen...
This paper presents a theory of modified numerals that derives a three-way distinction in the implic...
Contains fulltext : 77319.pdf (publisher's version ) (Closed access)Superlative qu...
When faced with a sentence like "Some of the toys are on the table," adults, but not preschoolers, c...
We argue for a purely pragmatic account of the ignorance inferences associated with superlative but ...
Despite the rich theoretical and experimental work on scalar implicature, many of the studies on thi...
Carter (Noûs 55(1):171–198, 2021) argued that while most simple positive numerical sentences are lit...
While most research on scalar implicature has focused on the lexical scale “some” vs “all,” here we ...
The pattern of implicatures of modified numeral `more than n' depends on the roundness of n. Cummins...