[[alternative]]Social construction of student groups through the Sunflower Movement

碩士[[abstract]]社會建構論的觀點可提供政策過程之觀察，社會建構論認為政府政策有賞善罰惡的邏輯，越傾向正面形象與政治權力越高者越容易獲得政策待遇。Schneider與Ingram（1993）指出政府會因為政策目標群體的政治權力與社會形象，影響其所獲得的政策待遇；相對地，政府的政策也會傳遞是否「值得」為其服務，進而影響其社會形象。然而，Schneider與Ingram對於社會建構的觀察僅限於政府的角度，政府作為主要的社會建構者；較少有學者探討除了政府以外的社會建構者，對於社會建構者需要更多研究予以了解。基此，本研究以太陽花學運中的學生團體為對象，探討學運前後學生團體的社會形象與政治權力是否出現變化，以中國時報與自由時報歷時三個月的新聞資料與深度訪談法進行研究。研究結果發現，學生團體在佔領議場前的形象是模糊的，佔領議場後受到社會中優勢團體的聲援、民眾的自發性支持得以讓學生行動獲得合法性框架。並在占領行動初期對學生較負面認定媒體，看出學運退場階段正面報導則數增加，推論學生形象可能出現偏向正面的成長。學生團體的政治權力，也因為佔領行動而提升對服貿議題的話語權，政府回應的層級也從行政院長提升至總統，在新聞媒體的報導則數上也出現了明顯增加的趨勢。學生團體並藉此對政策制定者施壓，企圖讓政策出現改變。研究發現可作為未來社會議題發生衝突時的參考依據，檢視為什麼是某一群人獲得了政策利益。[[abstract]]The viewpoints based on Social Constuctionism serve as in-depth observations in relation to policy-making process. According to Social Constructionism, all government policies conform to the logic – rewarding the virtuous and punishing the wicked. For this reason, people with positive image and political power are more likely to acquire political benefits than others. According to Schneider and Ingram (1993), governments tend to grant political benefits to the target groups based on their political power and social images. On the other hand, however, government formulates policies based on whether a target group “deserves” the government’ service, and with the policy, the government attempts to influence the target group’s social image. Nevertheless, Schneider and Ingram observed the phenomena from government’s standpoint and treated government as the major social constructor. Up until today, few researchers have studied any social constructor other than the government. It is therefore necessary to find out more about other social constructors. For this reasons, this study focused on the student groups involved in the Sunflower Student Movement, attempting to find out if student groups’ social images and their political power have changed before and after the movement. The news data released by China Times and by Liberty Times in a three-month period as well as in-depth interviews were examined for this purpose. According to the research results, student groups had an ambiguous image before they occupied the conference hall; students were supported by the dominant groups after they occupied the conference hall; and then students earned their legitimating frame with the spontaneous support from all walks of life. Some news media held a negative view of the student movement in the early period of occupation. More positive reports were made after students exited from the conference hall. The increasing number of positive reports indicated the positive image of the student movement. Apparently, student groups gained political power from the occupation of conference hall. Thus, student had the right to speak about the issues related to Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement. Eventually, the President had to respond to the students directly instead of though the Premier, and at the same time more and more news reports echoed the student movement. With the favorite response from the news media, students put pressure on policy makers in an attempt to change the policy. The findings serve as the reference for researchers to study the conflicts arising from social issues in the days to come and thus find out the reason why certain people gain political benefits while other people don’t.[[tableofcontents]]目 次 第一章 緒論 ............................................................................... 1 第一節 研究背景與動機 ................................1 第二節 研究問題 ............................................. 5 第三節 章節安排 ............................................. 6 第二章 文獻探討......................................................................... 7 第一節 社會建構理論 ................................... 7 第二節 社會建構與運動 ............................ 22 第三節 綜合討論 .......................................... 29 第三章 研究設計 .......................................................................33 第一節 個案說明 .......................................... 33 第二節 研究方法 .......................................... 40 第四章 學生團體之社會形象建構.......................................45 第一節 佔領立法院前的社會形象 ......... 45 第二節 社會形象的正面化 ....................... 46 第三節 新聞媒體中社會形象的變化 .... 53 第四節 社會形象轉變過程中的角力 .... 56 第五節 小結 .................................................... 61 第五章 學生團體之政治權力建構 .......................................63 第一節 佔領立法院前的政治權力 ......... 63 第二節 議題影響力的增強與應用 ......... 64 第三節 新聞媒體中權力結構的改變 .....76 第四節 小結 ................................ .................. 82 第六章 結論與建議 ....................................................................85 第一節 結論 ................................................... 85 第二節 研究貢獻 .......................................... 90 第三節 研究限制 .......................................... 92 第四節 未來研究建議 ................................ 93 參考文獻 ........................................................................................94 附錄 ................................................................................................. 98 表次 表 2-1 社會建構與政治權力－目標群體的類型.............. 10 表 2-2 真實社會中的社會建構模型.......................................18 表 2-3 社會建構的媒體管道比較............................................27 表 2-4 社會建構理論命題和補充觀點..................................31 表 3-1 太陽花學運事件歷程.....................................................38 表 3-2 太陽花學運學生團體與政府部門代表....................39 表 3-3 論述分析方法操作流程.................................................41 表 3-4 太陽花學運重點事件......................................................42 表 3-5 資料分析與編碼範例......................................................43 表 3-6 訪談對象..............................................................................44 表 4-3 學生佔領議場事件政黨立場........................................66 圖 次 圖 2-1 社會建構者之關係圖.......................................................20 圖 2-2 社會建構者的競爭場域..................................................20 圖 4-1 太陽花學運前後正負面報導則數比較......................54 圖 4-2 太陽花學運新聞報導則數變化....................................77 圖 6-1 學生團體的社會建構變化.............................................87[[note]]學號: 602640020, 學年度: 10