[[alternative]]Research on the China policy under Chen Shui-bian's government (2000-2008)

碩士[[abstract]]1949年10月1日，當毛澤東在天安門城樓高呼：「中華人民共和國中央人民政府今天成立了。」從這一刻起，不僅象徵中國共產黨在國共內戰的勝利，也是海峽兩岸分裂分治開始。 「中華民國」與「中華人民共和國」各據台灣海峽一方逾一甲子，兩岸關係經歷「軍事對立、劍拔弩張」；到1980年代，台灣開放大陸探親後，雙方關係由「相互對峙、互不往來」轉變到「開放交流、官冷民熱」階段，軍事衝突相對降低許多，然台灣先後兩位執政者李登輝及陳水扁，陸續提出「特殊國與國」、「一邊一國」等爭議性議題，造成雙方互信喪失殆盡，官方溝通管道為中共片面中斷；一直到2008年馬英九執政後，兩岸重新在「九二共識」基礎 下，轉變為由政府扮演兩岸關係正常化推動者角色。然而畢竟「兩個政治實體」形成六十餘年，各自發展出不同的政治、經濟及文化，雖目前兩岸關係可說是一片榮景，但僅限於「經濟」方面的交流，在「政治」議題上，仍受限於兩岸政府僵化的「一個中國」或「台獨」等政策思維影響，以及台灣每四年存在著「政黨輪替」的可能性下，台海穩定依舊充滿變數。 兩岸關係雖然有著一百八十度的轉變，但往往會因執政者的主客觀因素而受影響。2000 年台灣首次政黨輪替，國民黨結束長達50多年的執政，陳水扁的當選面臨著如何突破兩岸關係僵局，以及在面對中共經濟崛起後，台灣的經濟走向，因此研究陳水扁執政期間，同時在國際上受到美國與中共的牽制，又必須面臨國內在野黨的箝制情況下，大陸政策如何產生及影響，值得深入探討。 在最後的部分，評估民進黨在後陳水扁時代，中共不斷對台的經濟攻勢，及兼顧台灣主權下如何面對中共，提出個人的研究結論，作為本論文之總結。[[abstract]]When Mao Zedong shouted loudly, “The central people’s government of the People''s Republic of China is established today” at the Tiananmen tower on October 1 of 1949, that very moment not only symbolized the emergence of the Chinese Communist Party as the victor in the Chinese civil war, but also signaled the beginning of the geographical and political separation across the Strait. “The Republic of China” and “the People’s Republic of China” have taken their respective controls across the Taiwan Strait for more than 60 years and the cross-strait relations experienced “military standoff and hostile confrontation.” When Taiwan lifted the ban on visiting relatives in Mainland China in the 1980s, the stance of “mutual confrontation and zero contact” was transformed into the phase of “open and exchange; cold government and enthusiastic citizens” with military conflicts largely reduced. However, the two consecutive Taiwanese presidents Lee Teng-hui and Chen Shui-bian proposed the highly contentious “special state-to-state relationship” and “one country on each side” respectively. This led to the complete lack of trust from both sides and the People’s Republic of China unilaterally shutting down the official communication channel. When Ma Ying-jeou took the presidency in 2008, the governments of both sides began to resume their roles as promoters of the normalization of the cross-strait relations under the principle of the “1992 Consensus.” Nevertheless, the “two political entities” have been established for more than 60 years which have developed their own politics, economics and cultures.Although the current cross-strait relations are having great future prospect, they are only limited to “economic” exchanges. The “political” aspect is still confined to the “One China” and “Taiwan independence” policies firmly held by the governments across the strait. In addition, the potential “party alteration” in Taiwan every four years creates more uncertainty to the cross-strait stability. Although the cross-strait relations have witnessed a U-turn, the subjective and objective factors surrounding the person in power inevitably affect the cross-strait relations. Taiwan witnessed its first party alteration in 2000 when the KMT ended its rule for more than 50 years. Chen Shui-bian’s successful bid to the presidency was then confronted with issues such as how to break the cross-strait deadlock and the direction of Taiwan’s economic development in view of China’s emerging economic power. As a result, it is worth examining in details how the China policy was formulated and the effects thereof under Chen Shui-bian’s government amid pressures from both the United States and China internationally and the resistance from the opposition party domestically. Finally, the research conclusion is drawn from the evaluation on how the Democratic Progress Party responses to China as China constantly pushes on the economic front without sacrificing Taiwan’s sovereignty at the Post- Chen Shui-bian era as the summary of this thesis.[[tableofcontents]]第一章 緒論…………………………………………………………1 第一節 研究動機與目的……………………………………………1 第二節 基本概念之界定……………………………………………6 第三節 研究途徑與研究方法………………………………………7 第四節 文獻探討與研究架構………………………………………8 第五節 研究範圍與限制……………………………………………20 第二章 陳水扁執政前民進黨的發展及大陸政策論述……………23 第一節 民進黨創黨…………………………………………………23 第二節 民進黨派系發展……………………………………………26 第三節 陳水扁執政前民進黨大陸政策……………………………37 第三章 陳水扁執政時期大陸政策（2000－2008年）……………49 第一節 陳水扁第一任期大陸政策（2000－2004年）……………49 第二節 陳水扁第二任期大陸政策（2004－2008年）……………67 第四章 影響陳水扁執政時期的大陸政策因素……………………73 第一節 國內因素……………………………………………………74 第二節 美國因素……………………………………………………86 第三節 中共因素……………………………………………………95 第五章 結論…………………………………………………………109 參考書目……………………………………………………………115 圖目錄 圖1 研究架構圖………………………………………………………18 表目錄 表2－1 民進黨三大派系組成、屬性及政策…………………………35 表2－2 民進黨三大派系大陸政策比較………………………………35 表2－3 陳水扁執政前兩岸政策觀點…………………………………48 表3－1 「跨黨派小組」會議召開過程………………………………55 表3－2 「防禦性公投」兩項題目……………………………………66 表3－3 2008年公投國、民兩黨提案…………………………………70 表 4 胡錦濤2003－2006年歷次「胡四點」談話內容…………103[[note]]學號: 799270144, 學年度: 10