[[alternative]]A study of political succession and power consolidation in Hu Jin-tao period

碩士[[abstract]]中國擁有全世界最悠久綿延的文明歷史、最浩繁的人口數，最廣大的土地面積。自1979年改革開放帶動了經濟快速成長，挾其龐大的人口與腹地，無與倫比的勞力與消費市場，國力快速攀升，中共崛起所帶來的廣泛效應，無論是政治、經濟或是軍事層面，均已成為世界各國最關切的戰略機遇與挑戰。 鄧小平掌權後，有鑑於毛澤東身後事引發了「文化大革命」的權力鬥爭，提出了「幹部四化」即革命化、年輕化、知識化、專業化的標準，並逐步廢除領導職務終身制，大力選拔培養德才兼備的年輕幹部，中共展開一連串針對領導幹部和政治體制的改革，包括年齡、任期限制、集體領導等因素。正由於中共落實領導幹部的提拔朝向制度化，於1992年中共「十四大」時，鄧小平提拔年齡僅49歲的西藏書記胡錦濤出任中共政治局常委，胡錦濤正式進入中共領導班子。由於胡錦濤的出線，係由中共第二代領導人鄧小平欽定，非第三代領導人江澤民的選擇，使中共出現隔代指定繼承人的作法。胡錦濤自被鄧小平隔代指定為第四代接班人，歷經十餘年風雨，對權力接班時所遭逢的挑戰，如何展現出的高度政治技巧，運用策略進而順利完成政治繼承為全篇研究重點。 在中共過去二十餘年的政治權力的轉移承過程中逐漸受到規範約束，政績因素對政治菁英甄補的重要性增加，建立政治參與機制以加強統治合法性等方面，均使中共政治繼承朝向「制度化」的具體表現，中共自第二代鄧小平政治繼承之後，歷經江澤民至2007年胡錦濤掌握政權，中共政治權力繼承雖難完全擺脫「人治」的色彩，但自中共「十五大」之後，中共已漸形成較有規律的人事制度，就研究中共政治繼承的角度而言，2012年中共「十八大」召開前，胡錦濤因任職年齡等制度性因素，勢將政治權力交班給第五代政治繼承人，胡錦濤會依循江澤民的交班模式，先交接黨權、政權後至軍權，形成中共常態交班模式；或胡錦濤開創中共領導階層另一新局，做全面性的權力交接，亦可成為未來政治權力研究之重點與方向。[[abstract]]China has the world''s longest stretch of the history of civilization, the most voluminous of the population, the overwhelming majority of land area. Since reform and opening-up in 1979 brought rapid economic growth and use of its huge population and the hinterland, the unparalleled labor and consumer markets, rapidly rising national strength. The Chinese Communist Party rises the widespread effect which brings, regardless of being politics, the economy or military level, most countries around the world have become concerned about the strategic opportunities and challenges. After Deng Xiaoping is in power, in view of Mao Zedong''s funeral has initiated the "Cultural Revolution" of the power struggle, the "four modernizations cadres" that is more revolutionary, younger, better educated and professional standards and the gradual abolition of life tenure in leadership positions, and vigorously both ability and political integrity of the selection and training of young cadres. The Chinese Communist Party has launched a succession in view of the leading cadre and political system''s reform, including age, term limits, collective leadership and other factors. It is precisely because the Chinese Communist Party promoted the implementation of leading cadres towards the institutionalization, in 1992, “ The 14th National Congress of the Communist Party of China ”, Deng Xiaoping promotes age only 49 year-old Tibet Secretary Hu Jintao to take the post of Chinese Communist Party member of the standing committee of the Political Bureau, Hu Jintao enters the Chinese Communist Party management officially. As a result of Hu''s round, is by Chinese Communist Party second generation of leader Deng Xiaoping ordered by the emperor personally, the non-third generation leader Jiang Zemin''s choice, causes the Chinese Communist Party to appear separates the generation to assign successor''s method. Since Hu Jintao has been designated as the fourth generation of cross-generation successor by Deng Xiaoping, more than ten years after the storm, when the succession of power to sustain the challenge, how to show a high degree of political skills, the use of strategy to the successful completion of the political succession for the whole emphasis of the research papers. In the Chinese Communist Party passed 20 remaining years, the transfer of political power for the process of gradually being standardized constraints, political factors on the political elite to increase the importance of the validation meeting, the establishment of mechanisms for political participation in order to strengthen the rule of legitimacy, etc., are making towards China''s political succession "institutionalized" specific performance. Since the second generation of the Chinese Communist political succession after Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin has to power in 2007, Hu Jintao, China''s political power, although not completely free from the succession of "rule of man" of color. But after the Chinese Communist Party “The 15th National Congress of the Communist Party of China”, the Chinese Communist Party has gradually formed the more regular personnel system, to study the succession of China''s political point of view, before “The 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China” opening in 2012, Hu Jintao due to serving the institutional factors such as age, potential political power will shift to the fifth-generation political heir, Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, will follow the shift mode, the first transfer of party power, power to military power, the formation of the Chinese Communist normal shift mode,or Hu Jintao will create the Chinese Communist leadership to a new Bureau, to attach the transfer of power, political power can also become the future focus and direction of research.[[tableofcontents]]目 錄 第一章 緒論.........................1 第一節 研究動機與目的...............1 第二節 基本概念的界定...............6 第三節 研究途徑與研究方法...........13 第四節 研究範圍與研究限制...........17 第五節 分析架構的建立...............18 第二章 中共領導權力結構..............21 第一節 中國共產黨的權力結構..........23 第二節 國家領導機構..................29 第三節 中共黨政軍領導權力關係........34 第三章 中共權力傳承的制約與非制約因素.39 第一節 中共政治繼承的傳承途徑........40 第二節 中共政治繼承之制度性制約......43 第三節 中共政治繼承之非制度性制約....60 第四章 胡錦濤政治繼承的源由..........69 第一節 中共隔代繼承的內容與做法......70 第二節 胡錦濤之崛起..................74 第三節 胡錦濤權力接班所遭逢之挑戰....80 第四節 胡錦濤權力鞏固的策略與運用....87 第五章 從中共「十七大」政治精英甄補檢視第四代政治繼承..101 第一節 集體領導體制的形成............101 第二節 初級制度構建任期的年齡邊界....112 第三節 共青團幹部計畫性培養已成規範..117 第六章 結 論.........................121 第一節 研究發現......................123 第二節 後續研究......................131 參考文獻..............................134 表目錄 表一 中共政權結構表..................22 表二 中共中央領導人平均年齡..........54 表三 中共「十五大」至「十七大」政治局常委人事簡歷..56 表四 中共領導人政治魅力與整肅異己變遷表..62 表五 中國共產黨指導思想..............67 表六 中共「十六大」政治局成員名單....83 表七 中共中央政治局集體學習內容......93 表八 中共領導人「70歲劃線離退」統計表....115 表九 中共政治局常委的重要職務分工與排名表.124 圖目錄 圖一 研究架構........................19[[note]]學號: 795270189, 學年度: 9