[[alternative]]臺灣政黨輪替後大陸政策變遷之研究(2000-2006年)

碩士[[abstract]]2000年因為政黨輪替，由民進黨取代了長期執政的國民黨，由於意識形態的不同，造成大陸政策必然有所改變，但當時陳水扁總統初掌國政，權力基礎並未鞏固，為求穩定，大體走的是中間路線，對兩岸關係也確實想釋出善意，從最初的「四不一沒有」、「兩岸統合論」、「積極開放、有效管理」等可見一斑，但中共卻堅持「一國兩制」的模式，將台灣打壓或矮化為地方政府，這對二千三百萬的台灣人民是決然不可能接受的選項，因此在久等不耐之下，陳總統忽然在2002年拋出「一邊一國論」，讓中共自此更為明確的認定民進黨政府的台獨走向，也斷絕了兩岸之間一切溝通管道。2004年，陳水扁在極大爭議下當選連任，由於已無繼續連任的壓力，大陸政策傾向緊縮，致力於「本土化」及「去中國化」；中共也在2005年3月14日通過「反分裂國家法」，在法律的基礎上明定兩岸本為一體，決然不可分割，同時宣示以非和平手段對抗台獨的決心，並在國際間廣為宣傳，使台灣獨立建國之路更加顯得邈茫。陳總統處於這種「統」之不可行，「獨」又不可能的兩難局面，一直無法突破，也倍受國人爭議，再加上想要挽回其因為內政之不修、經濟之不振與弊案之不斷所造成的危機，終於在2006年元旦文告上提出「積極管理、有效開放」之大陸政策調整，並在稍後之2月28日，正式中止國統會與國統綱領，等於明確的昭告中共與世界各國，台灣決定開始走自己的路，朝向建立一個獨立自主而嶄新的國家，但在中共的強力打壓及國際間不見支持下，必須找出妥善的因應之道，使二千三百萬同胞及其後代子孫都能免除戰爭的威脅，朝向和平共生、互惠雙贏、自然融合的目標邁進。[[abstract]]In 2000, because of the political party change, Democratic Progressive Party substituted for the long-term ruling Kuomintang. As a result of the ideological differences, the Mainland China Policy had to be changed inevitably. At the beginning of President Chen Shui-bian’s rule, his power in control of the state was not so strong. For stability, He chose the middle-of-the-road line, and truly wanted to send the good will to Mainland China for cross-strait relations. He then submitted “Four Nos and One Without”, “Both Sides Integration Theory”, “Positive Opening, Effective Management” and so on. Since China persisted in the principle “one country, two systems”, Taiwan would actually be pressed or lowered to be a local authority. This was absolutely impossible for 23,000,000 Taiwanese people to accept as an option. After waiting for a long time and getting nothing satisfied, President Chen could bear no more. He suddenly presented “One Country on Each Side of The Strait Theory” in 2002. From that occasion, China explicitly recognized that Democratic Progressive Party Government was indeed the hardcore of Taiwan independence trend, and then broke any official communication channel between both sides. In 2004, Chen Shui-bian was reelected the president under an enormous dispute. Because he had no longer had the pressure of reelection, he then tightened up the Mainland China Policy, devoted to “the localization” and “the de-Chinalization”. The Chinese Communist Party Government also passed “The Anti-cessation Law” on March 14, 2005. It was stipulated that both sides of the Strait were actually a complete body in a legal foundation and could never be separated. In the meantime, China even declared the resolution of counter Taiwan-independence by non-peace methods. This slogan was also widespread internationally. That caused “Taiwan Independence” even harder to achieve. President Chen was then in a dilemma which both “unification” and “independence” were impossible to act. Being unable to break through the cross-strait relations in a long run, he was widely disputed by the people on Taiwan. In order to resolve his political crisis on worse internal affairs and the economy as well as continuous corruption scandals, he finally proposed a Mainland China Policy adjustment, “positive management, effective opening” on New Year''s Day in 2006. Later on February 28, he officially ceased the function of “The National Unification Council” and ceased the application of “The National Unification Guidelines “. It was equal to clearly informing China and the other countries in the world that Taiwan decided to start walking its own way and headed to establish an independent as well as a brand-new country. However, under the pressure of China forces and without international supports, we surely must find some proper measures to deal with all the struggles ahead. Let our 23,000,000 compatriots on Taiwan and their descendants no longer be threatened by wars. In the end, people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait can all live in peace and mutual-understanding. They will cooperate with each other and get a win-win game. Furthermore, they might also make great strides forward to the goal of natural fusion in the future.[[tableofcontents]]第一章 緒論...................................... 1 第一節 研究動機與目的........................... 1 第二節 研究途徑與方法........................... 4 第三節 研究範圍與限制........................... 6 第四節 研究架構與章節安排....................... 8 第二章 國民黨執政之大陸政策解析.................11 第一節 兩蔣時代之大陸政策.......................11 第二節 李登輝時代之大陸政策.....................16 第三章 民進黨在野期間之大陸政策.................21 第一節 民進黨的成立原因.........................21 第二節 民進黨的國家認同.........................24 第三節 民進黨的主要訴求.........................27 第四章 民進黨執政後大陸政策之變遷...............32 第一節 民進黨初掌執政權之大陸政策基調...........32 第二節 「一邊一國論」提出後之相關效應...........38 第三節 2004年大選獲勝後之大陸政策轉折...........41 第四節 2006年民進黨大陸政策之改弦更張...........45 第五章 民進黨大陸政策變遷之重要因素.............51 第一節 國內因素.................................51 第二節 中共因素................................66 第三節 美國因素.................................85 第六章 民進黨執政後之大陸政策省思..............100 第一節 民進黨大陸政策變遷之相關效應............100 第二節 以先人智慧結晶凝聚全民之共識............106 第三節 全球化下台灣應有的觀念與認知............112 第七章 結論....................................118 參考書目及文獻..................................125 圖表目錄 表一、政黨輪替前後，國內對大陸政策認知的差異.....51 表二、政黨輪替前後，中共對台政策的變化...........66 表三、政黨輪替前後，美國在台灣之大陸政策中所持的立場...............................................85 表四、政黨輪替前後，訂定大陸政策考量重點之異同..100 圖一、太極圖型..................................111[[note]]學號: 793240176, 學年度: 9