Agreement in Russian Secondary Predicates

This paper will be concerned with the distribution of Case marking in Russian secondary predicates. I will particularly analyze Case alternations in simple matrix clauses and control configurations. I account for these facts by distinguishing NP-movement structures from the structures containing a null pronominal. This general topic is often referred to as the Second Dative. However, it is somewhat misleading because Dative Case marking happens to be very unproductive in secondary predicates in Russian, with a more general paradigm involving actually Instrumental Case