Proper movement through Spec-CP: An argument from hyperraising in Mongolian

The subject of an embedded finite clause in Mongolian can be marked with accusative case, alternating with canonical nominative case. Following previous proposals, I analyze this option as the consequence of the presence of 'φ'-features in the complementizer of the embedded clause, which trigger the movement of the lower subject to Spec-CP. From that position, the embedded subject is accessible to the matrix v, which assigns case to it without violating the Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC). A prediction that falls out from this analysis is that the accusative subject in Mongolian can move into the matrix clause, also without violating this locality condition. This type of construction is called 'hyperraising' and is indeed found in the language. Hyperraising in Mongolian displays some of the signature properties of A-movement, including the absence of weak crossover effects and of reconstruction for Condition C. A comparison with covert 'Wh'-movement in Mongolian will show that this type of movement does induce a WCO violation and reconstructs for Condition C. If the proposal that hyperraising in Mongolian involves a stopover position at Spec-CP is on the right track, this position would have to be an A-position. If correct, this paper contributes to the view that syntactic positions should not be considered as being intrinsically A or Ā: Spec-CP, which is usually taken to be an Ā-position, could potentially be an A-position too, at least in hyperraising in Mongolian