On the Scope Property of Zen'in, Zenbu and All

This paper shows that the universal quantifiers zen’in ‘everyone’ and zenbu ‘everything’ in Japanese exhibit different scope patterns from the two types of quantificational noun phrases (henceforth, QPs) identified in Homma (2011). I propose that zen’in and zenbu do not undergo Quantifier Raising (henceforth, QR), in contrast to such QPs as subete-no gakusei ‘every student’, to which QR applies. I also discuss the difference in the scope properties between zen’in/zenbu and the other type of QP that does not undergo QR. Lastly, I discuss the quantifier all in English and suggest that QPs involving all do not undergo QR, as opposed to every/each + N, which does undergo QR