Hyresboendets roller - lokal organisering och boinflytande i förändring

Changing Roles in Rental Housing – Local Organisation and Tenant Participation in Transition Since the 1970’s a wide-ranging system of tenant participation and local organisation has developed in Sweden, based on local tenant associations(LTAs). These are the smallest organizational units within the Swedish tenant movement, which is uniquely strong, with high membership rates, institutionalised market power and considerable political influence. LTAs have been granted some influence on the management of their estates through centralised agreements between landlords and regional tenant unions. Lately these forms of tenant participation and local organisation have been challenged through centralisation within the tenant movement and an increasing general interest in alternative, less formal modes of local organisation and co-operation between landlords and tenants. Some observers foresee that the traditional forms based on LTAs and collective agreements will be successively replaced by a multitude of more informal solutions. This study investigates the validity of such claims by scrutinizing the development that has taken place in local organisation and tenant participation during the last decade or so. This is done by testing how LTAs have adjusted to the new conditions, and mapping and examining the alternative forms that have developed. The theoretical point of departure is that LTAs, as well as other local voluntary organisations of tenants, have four different roles to fulfil: (1) to function as a democratic unit for members and esidents (‘democratic community’); (2) to act as the base organisation within the tenant movement (’grass-roots organisation); (3) to represent all residents in the estate towards the landlord (’voice’); (4) to organise and support social interaction in the estate (’social organiser’). The study is based on several empirical materials, including (a) two questionnaires (1997 and 2005) directed to 350–400 chairpersons of LTAs (the sample included a panel of LTAs that received the questionnaire on both occasions); (b) a questionnaire directed to 100 tenants who are active in alternative forms of local organisation; (c) a questionnaire to 1,000 ordinary tenants in five municipalities; (d) process-oriented case studies of 32 LTAs between 1990 and 2006; and (e) case studies of four estates with alternative forms of local organisation. Between 1997 and 2005 the number of LTAs went down from 3,500 to 2,500. Those still existing take on the same roles as before and at almost the same level of activity. In the role as democratic community, tenants’ attendance at LTA general meetings is still relatively low, and the competition for seats on the board is almost non-existent. There is a slight female majority among LTA board members, whereas immigrants are poorly represented. In the role as grass-roots organisation, despite diminishing formal LTA influence within the tenant movement, LTAs and higher levels still co-operate regularly and in mutual respect. In the role as voice towards the landlord, most LTAs still have agreements on tenant participation, although the level of influence has gone down somewhat, in particular on economic issues. Finally, in the role as social organiser, LTAs still take great responsibility for leisure activities in their estates. All three roles as grass-roots organisation, voice and social organiser are considered to be important by LTAs. The role as the voice of the tenants in relation to the landlord is seen as the most important of the three, and the individual tenants responding to the questionnaire share this opinion. Most boards feel equally responsible to non-member residents as to members of the tenant union. Our case studies give some indications about the LTAs that have disappeared in the last decade. The 15 LTAs that were terminated since 1990 had lower levels of activity in all the four roles than the 17 still in existence. The case studies also indicate that the difference between development and decline can be explained in terms of institutionalisation: that associations grow successively less dependent on individual activists. In five extensive case studies we have identified how processes of institutionalisation and deinstitutionalisation arise and develop. These studies also illustrate that institutionalisation, cannot be taken for granted but is vulnerable to shifts in population and in relations to the landlord, including the sale of the estate. The alternative organisational units are far too few to replace the 1,000 LTA units that have disappeared. They sometimes engage individuals who have not been previously active, by means of openness to all tenants and informal modes of working. Still their activities have important similarities with those of LTAs, though many alternative units emphasize the role as social organiser more and, not surprisingly, the role as grass-roots organisation less than LTAs. Furthermore, without formal agreements, many of the alternative units have a weaker position to act as voice than LTAs. It is too early to say something definitive about the prospects of institutionalisation of the alternative forms. In most estates they still seem to be dependent on a few active tenants who put in a lot of effort in the activities