The additive presupposition of particles like "too"/"even" is uncontested, but usually stipulated. This paper proposes to derive it based on two properties. (i) "too"/"even" is cross-linguistically focus-sensitive, and (ii) in many languages, "too"/"even" builds negative polarity items and free-choice items as well, often in concert with other particles. (i) is the source of its existential presupposition, and (ii) offers clues regarding how additivity comes about. (i)-(ii) together demand a sparse semantics for "too/even," one that can work with different kinds of alternatives (focus, subdomain, scalar) and invoke suitably different further operators
Presupposition triggers differ with respect to whether their presupposition is easily accommodatable...
This paper examines bi-sentential sequences where additive presupposition triggers (e.g. too, again)...
The focus particle even introduces an implicature (or a presupposition) that is not available with a...
The additive presupposition of particles like "too"/"even" is uncontested, but usually stipulated. T...
Thesis: Ph. D. in Linguistics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Linguistics and ...
This thesis undertakes a new investigation in the semantics of English additive particle too. I disc...
Presupposition triggers differ with respect to whether their presupposition is easily accommodatable...
Heim (1990) and Kripke (2009) argue that the adverb too is a trigger of presuppositions that cannot ...
Presupposition triggers, such as the additive particle 'too', the iterative particle 'again', and th...
The additive particle too seems to be obligatory in VP-ellipsis contexts: John came to the store. Bi...
Presupposition triggers differ with respect to whether their presupposition is easily accommodatable...
Presupposition triggers differ with respect to whether their presupposition is easily accommodatable...
Presupposition triggers differ with respect to whether their presupposition is easily accommodatable...
Presupposition triggers differ with respect to whether their presupposition is easily accommodatable...
Karttunen and Peters (1979) claim that the focus particle even is truth-conditionally vacuous, but h...
Presupposition triggers differ with respect to whether their presupposition is easily accommodatable...
This paper examines bi-sentential sequences where additive presupposition triggers (e.g. too, again)...
The focus particle even introduces an implicature (or a presupposition) that is not available with a...
The additive presupposition of particles like "too"/"even" is uncontested, but usually stipulated. T...
Thesis: Ph. D. in Linguistics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Linguistics and ...
This thesis undertakes a new investigation in the semantics of English additive particle too. I disc...
Presupposition triggers differ with respect to whether their presupposition is easily accommodatable...
Heim (1990) and Kripke (2009) argue that the adverb too is a trigger of presuppositions that cannot ...
Presupposition triggers, such as the additive particle 'too', the iterative particle 'again', and th...
The additive particle too seems to be obligatory in VP-ellipsis contexts: John came to the store. Bi...
Presupposition triggers differ with respect to whether their presupposition is easily accommodatable...
Presupposition triggers differ with respect to whether their presupposition is easily accommodatable...
Presupposition triggers differ with respect to whether their presupposition is easily accommodatable...
Presupposition triggers differ with respect to whether their presupposition is easily accommodatable...
Karttunen and Peters (1979) claim that the focus particle even is truth-conditionally vacuous, but h...
Presupposition triggers differ with respect to whether their presupposition is easily accommodatable...
This paper examines bi-sentential sequences where additive presupposition triggers (e.g. too, again)...
The focus particle even introduces an implicature (or a presupposition) that is not available with a...