TRANSITIVE INFLECTION IN (MOSES) COLUMBUU1 SALISH

In this paper l I will present a sketch of transitive inflection in Columbian Salish. As used here, 'transitive inflection ' will include a number of grammatical categories, such as transitive, transitivizer, control, indirective, causative, object pronoun, and subject pronoun. Control will only be touched on, and left for fuller treatment elsewhere. Transitive inflection in Columbian is entirely suffixal, and is the most elaborated part of Columbian inflection. Most of the suffixes involved will be familiar to anyone who has followed the growing literature on Interior Salish; cognates for all the suffixes involved in Columbian transitive inflection occur elsewhere, although no attempt at compari-son will be made here. 2 However, Columbian seems to elaborate the over-all system by allowing combinations apparently excluded in other Inte-rior Salishan languages. I will first present the subject and object suffixes; second the transitive, control, and causative suffixes; third-min- 'relational'; fourth-nJn- 'success'; and fifth the indirective suffixes. Then I will indicate some of the ordering and cooccurrence possibilities in Columbian. Pronominal suffixes on transitive constructions can be split into object and subject sequences with relative ease, although various mor-phophonemic processes produce some irregularities in the overall system. These processes have to do with primary stress location, some apparent analogical formations with 1 sg. subjects, and some irregularities when 1 pl. is combined with certain other personal endings. The basic subject suffixes are the following. These may be com-pared with the intransitive subject clitics, which consist basically of k- plus the transitive subject suffixes except in the third person. Independent pronominal forms also occur, but they are fully predicative, and are of no relevance here. transitive intransitive independent 1 sg.-n,-nn kn?inca 2 sg. _XW kW?inw{ 3 ¢ ,,sg.-s cn11, cn1 1 pl.-t kt mm~l 2 pl. kp-p lplapst 3 pl.-s lx cncn{l The- ~ variant of the 1 sg. suffix occurs when the stressed vowel of the word immediately precedes this suffix; this can occur only when-c{- '2 sg. object ' or-stu- 'causative ' (with a zero 3 sg. object) Kansas Working Papers ~n Linguistics. Vol. 7 ~ 1982. pp. 49-62. r50 occurs