This paper examines data from Hocąk (Siouan) that provide empirical evidence for Fox’s (2002) analysis of antecedent-contained deletion (ACD). Fox (2002) argues that ACD is resolved by covert rightward movement of the object, followed by late merger of the relative clause containing the ellipsis site. Thus, the example in (1) has the derivation shown in (2)
We revisit the purported locality constraint on Quantifier Raising (QR) by investigating children’s ...
The irregular behavior of rightward movement presents a challenge to theories that treat such config...
Within the field of linguistics, the makeup of the Complementizer Phrase (CP) layer of the clause ha...
This paper presents an argument based on evidence from experiments featuring Antecedent-Contained De...
This paper explores some (as far as I know) previously unobserved interactions of Antecedent Contain...
The current paper examines the syntactic properties of HA stripping: a type of ellipsis. Within the ...
Hackl, Koster-Hale & Varvoutis (2012; HKV) provide data that suggest that in a null context, ant...
The aim of my thesis is to show that some properties of rightward movement constructions (a cover te...
Remnant movement is movement of an XP β from which extraction of α has taken place; cf. (1). This ph...
A sentence such as (1) below is an example where an antecedent-contained deletion structure is prese...
Hackl et al. (2012) argue that processing evidence specifically supports a theory of Antecedent Cont...
The present paper shows that Right-Dislocation (RD) in Japanese shares a number of characteristics w...
<div><p>In a self-paced reading study on German sluicing, Paape (Paape, 2016) found that reading tim...
We compare two views of ellipsis and its place in grammar. One view holds that ellipsis is a form of...
Left- and right-dislocation constructions have so far resisted reduction to basic mechanisms of gram...
We revisit the purported locality constraint on Quantifier Raising (QR) by investigating children’s ...
The irregular behavior of rightward movement presents a challenge to theories that treat such config...
Within the field of linguistics, the makeup of the Complementizer Phrase (CP) layer of the clause ha...
This paper presents an argument based on evidence from experiments featuring Antecedent-Contained De...
This paper explores some (as far as I know) previously unobserved interactions of Antecedent Contain...
The current paper examines the syntactic properties of HA stripping: a type of ellipsis. Within the ...
Hackl, Koster-Hale & Varvoutis (2012; HKV) provide data that suggest that in a null context, ant...
The aim of my thesis is to show that some properties of rightward movement constructions (a cover te...
Remnant movement is movement of an XP β from which extraction of α has taken place; cf. (1). This ph...
A sentence such as (1) below is an example where an antecedent-contained deletion structure is prese...
Hackl et al. (2012) argue that processing evidence specifically supports a theory of Antecedent Cont...
The present paper shows that Right-Dislocation (RD) in Japanese shares a number of characteristics w...
<div><p>In a self-paced reading study on German sluicing, Paape (Paape, 2016) found that reading tim...
We compare two views of ellipsis and its place in grammar. One view holds that ellipsis is a form of...
Left- and right-dislocation constructions have so far resisted reduction to basic mechanisms of gram...
We revisit the purported locality constraint on Quantifier Raising (QR) by investigating children’s ...
The irregular behavior of rightward movement presents a challenge to theories that treat such config...
Within the field of linguistics, the makeup of the Complementizer Phrase (CP) layer of the clause ha...