Open Research OnlineThe Open University’s repository of research publicationsand other research outputsThe social history of the Scottish shale oil industry1850-1914ThesisHow to cite:McKay, John Henderson (1985). The social history of the Scottish shale oil industry 1850-1914. PhD thesisThe Open University.For guidance on citations see FAQs.c© 1984 The AuthorVersion: Version of RecordCopyright and Moral Rights for the articles on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyrightowners. For more information on Open Research Online’s data policy on reuse of materials please consult the policiespage.oro.open.ac.ukUNRESTRICTED)THE SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SCOTTISH SHALE OIL INDUSTRY1850 - 1914John Henderson McKay B.A. Hons (open)Doctor of Philosophy HistoryThe Open University 1984ProQ uest Number: 27777179All rights reservedINFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent on the quality of the copy submitted.in the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed,a note will indicate the deletion.uestProQuest 27777179Published by ProQuest LLC (2020). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author.Ail Rights Reserved.This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States CodeMicroform Edition © ProQuest LLC.ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106 - 1346SUMMARY3Ms thesis sets out to examine the social consequences of industrialisation in a rural area. The industry chosen - the shale-oil industry - was confined to a relatively small, well-defined geographical area in the valley of the River Almond on the boundary of the old counties of West and Mid Lothian. The area was thus relatively free from industrial influence other than , that of the shale industry.An obvious starting point was the industry itself.Its technology, capital structure, entrepreneurship and management have been considered in depth in Part I. In Parts II and III the main body of the thesis deals with the consequences of industrialisation - the environmental and economic effects on the area; population growth and movement; housing; working conditions; wages and standards of living. In the final section there is anexploration of people's reactions to the difficulties inherent in working and living in an industrial society* Throughout an attempt has been made to place local developments in the larger Scottish and United Kingdom context. This is particularly the case \diere the local situation might provide illumination on subjects of general debate such as the quality of entrepreneurship in British industry in the late nineteenth century. Population\ -,r/'i change is also a matter of general interest. The shaleindustry was a relatively late starter and so information on population movement was more readily available than for earlier exanples of industrialisation. It is hoped thatits examination sheds some light on the relationship between industrial areas and their sources of labour.VyTo CatherineCONTENTSPageAcknowledgements iAbbreviations iiINTRODUCTION The Pre-Industrial Almond Valleyi) Economie Structure 1ii) Social Structure 13PART I SHALE-OIL PRODUCTION AS AN INDUSTRIALDEVELOPMENT 41Chapter 1 Establishment and EarlyDevelopment 43i) The Shale-Oil Industry inthe Mid-Victorian Boom 43ii) The Industry and its Methods 60Chapter 2 Recovery Consolidation andExpansion 78Chapter 3 Capital and Companies 121Chapter 4 Entrepreneurship and I-îanagement 144i) Who were the Entrepreneurs? 144ii) The Quality of Entrepreneurship and Management 134PART II THE PHYSICAL AND ECONOMIC CONSEQUENCES OP INDUSTRIALISATION IN THE AIMOND VALLEY 182Chapter 5 The Economy and Geography of anIndustrialising Area 182Chapter 6 The Environmental Effects ofthe New Industry 199PagePART III THE SOCIAL CONSEQUENCES OF INDUSTRIALI- 8ATI0NChapter 7 Demography; Migration Patterns as Seen in the Published Census Data for the County of West Lothian 207Chapter 8 The Structure and Origin of theShale Industry Work Force as Seenin the Manuscript Census Books 256Chapter 9 The Housing of the Work People 305i) Housing Conditions, theStatistical Evidence 306ii) Ovmership of Workmen's Housing 347iii) House Types and Construction 356Chapter 10 Housing, Public Health and LocalGovernment - the Effect of Sanitary Legislation in the Shale Area 381i) 1867’^91, ï^rochial Boards and the Public Health (Scotland)Act, 1867 and the Shale Industry 385ii) 1891-1914, County Councils andtheir District Committees 427Chapter 11 Wages and Cost of Living 472Chapter 12 Working Conditions 538i) Mines 538ii) Oil Works 538PART IV REACTIONSChapter 13 Sickness Injury and Death 562i) Savings Banks 565ii) Friendly Societies 567iii) Compensation for Injury andDeath 576Chapter 14 Co-operation 591Chapter 15 Trade Unions 606EPILOGUE 670PageTABLESPART I1.1 Oil Works in the Almond Valley, 1861 to 1875 512.1 Dividends Paid by the Oil Companies, 1877-83 832.2 Distributed Profits and Interest Payments,1875-1914 984.1 Individual Entrepreneurs and Members ofPartnerships 1474.2 Entrepreneurs Involved in Limited Companies,1863-76 1514.3 Entrepreneurs Involved in Limited Companies,1876-1914 153PART II5.1 ^teable Values, 1855 and 1912; Parishes inthe Almond Valley, Linlithgow County and Scotland 1895.2 Rateable Value Attributable to the Shale-OilIndustry, 1911-12 1905-3 Retail Outlets in Broxburn, 1911-12 197PART III7.1 Population of Parishes Affected by the Shale-Oil Industry, 1851-1911 2087.2 Measures of Migration and Population Change,County of Linlithgow, 1851-1911 2127.3 Scots Bom in Linlithgow and Enumerated There Ejqpressed as a Percentage of Scots Bom in Linlithgow and Enumerated in Scotland (P*),Census Years 1851-1911 2147.4 Scots Bom Else\daere than Linlithgow butEnumerated there, Ejjpressed as a Percentage of the Total Number of Scots Bom Else\diere than Linlithgow Enumerated in Scotland, (P* ' ), Census Years, 1851 to 1911 215Page7.5 County of Linlithgow, Numbers of Irish Natives Aged under 20 and Numbers of 'New' Irish Bom Migrants, 1851-1911 2557.6 Population of Linlithgow County, Proportions of Males and Females, Under and Over 20,Numbers per 1,000, 1861-1911 2597.7 Males and Females, Linlithgow and Scotland,Numbers of Males per 100 Females, 1871 2417.8 Proportions of Uhmarried Male's and Females at Various Ages, Scotland, Linlithgow and the Parish of Uphall, 1871 and 1901 2477.9 Numbers of Males and Females and Proportion ofFemales to Males in Respect of Persons agedunder 15, Persons aged over 15 and Unmarried Persons aged over 15, Scotland, the Counties of Linlithgow, Lanark and Edinburgh and the parishes of Linlithgow and Lanark, 1901 2487.10 Proportions of Females to Males Among PersonsAged 15 and Over in Parishes of Lanarkshire;Number of Females per 1,000 Males, 1901 2527.11 Proportions of Females to Males Among UM4ARRIED Persons aged 15 and Over in Parishes of Lanarkshire, Number of Females per 1,000 Males,1901 2548.1 Shale Oil Workers Bom in the Parish of 1871Enumeration and in the Wider Area of West andMid Lothian between the Pentland Hills and the River Forth ^ 2758.2 Local Recruitment of Labour by Parish of 1871 Enumeration and Occupational Group 277-88.3 Occupational Structure of the Shale OilIndustry: Proportions of Various OccupationalGroups Recruited from Counties and Regions,Variation from the Industry Average 2848.4 Shale Oil Workers in Mid Calder and ICirknewton Parishes in 1871, Previous Occupations and Occupations of Fathers 295Page8.5 Previous Occupations of Shale Oil Workers,Kirknewton and Mid Calder f^rishes, 1871, in Occupational Groups 2998.6 Occupations of Fathers of Shale Workers Identified in Kirknewton and i-lid CalderParishes in 1871, in Occupational Groups 5009.1 Persons per 100 Houses in Houses of One toNine Rooms - 1911 5299.2 One-roomed Houses at Addiewell, 1871.Occupation Levels 33110.1 Receipts and Expenditure of Local Authoritieson Sanitary Matters - 1868 to 1888 39610.2 Parochial Boards in the Almond Valley:Accounts of Receipts and Expenditure as Local Authorities under the Public Health (Scotland)Act, 1867, 1869 to 1888 59710.5 Accounts of Burgh Public Authorities adjacentto the Shale Area, 1881 to 1888 42410.4 Sanitary Provision in Various Houses inBroxburn, 1896 44511.1 Census of Wages, 1886; Schedules Issued andReturned 47311.2 Average Wages in 34 Trades and Industries in 1885-86 of (a) All Workers and (b) AdultMales Only 48111.5 Wage Rates in the Shale-Oil Industry andOther Scottish Industries, 1886 48311.4 Memoranda of Agreement Lodges by Oil Companies with the Sheriff-Clerks ofLinlithgow and Edinburgh, 1909-12 48611.5 Wage Rates in the Shale-Oil Industry in 1885and in 1909-12 48911.6 Shale Miners' Wages, 1886-1903 49811.7 Cost of Living; Standards for TypicalHouseholds 50111.8 Standards of Living, Addiewell 1891 509-537Page12.1 Bhtal and Non-Bhtsil Accidents in Stole andCoal Mines, 1881-92 94312.2 Fatal and Non-Fatal Accidents in Stole andCoal Mines, 1881-92 94412.5 Fatal Accidents in Oil Works, 1874-1914 560PART nr13.1 Friendly Societies in the Shale AreaCommimities up to 1914 56913.2 National Friendly Societies with Branchesin the Stole Area 57213*3 Subscriptions and Benefits 57413,4 Proceedings under the Workmen's CompensationActs and Employers' Liability Act (1880),1902-11, England and Wales; Scotland 58515*3 Claims under the Workmen's Conpensation Acts,1911; Scotland, Linlithgow and Four Oil Conpanies 58914.1 Co-Operative Societies, Membership Sales andProfit Levels, 1883-1913 59614.2 Average Sales per Member and Cost of LivingIndex 599PageFIGURESPART I1.1 Geological Map of the Oil Shale Fields ofthe Lothians 641.2 General Vertical Section of the CarboniferousStrata of tlid and West Lothian 651.5 Long Wall Working in Shale 681,4 Protection by Sprags while Holing Shale 682.1 Shale Output per Man-Year, 1873 to 1914 852.2 Relationship betimen Prices of Inported andHome-produced Oils 100PART II5.1 West Calder in 1855 1785.2 West Calder in 1898 1795.3 Uphall and Broxburn in 1855 1805.4 Uphall and Broxburn in 1898 181PART III10.1 Sketch of Model Ashpit and Privy 447APPENDIXTABLESNote; Tables 1 to 6 relate to Part I and are discussed therein.Page45Oil Works in Operation in the Almond Valley, 1861-76.Capital Employed in the Shale Oil Industry by Limited Companies, 1863-1913Limited Companies in the Shale Oil Industry; Nominal Capital, Shares, Shareholders and Payments to PredecessorsLimited Companies in the Shale Oil Industry; Occupations and Designations of ShareholdersProfit and Loss Accounts:(a)(b(c(d(e(f(sYoung's Paraffin Light and Mineral Oil Co. Ltd.Oakbank Oil Co. Ltd.Broxburn Oil Co. Ltd.Pumpherston Oil Co. Ltd.Burntisland Oil Co. Ltd.West Lothian Oil Go. Ltd.Linlithgow Oil Co. Ltd.IVIXX6 Inports of Petroleum Oils, 1886-1913XIXII XIIIXIVXV XVXVXVINote: The schedules of creditors of the West LothianOil Co. Ltd. and the Westfield Oil Co. Ltd. are discussed in Part II, Chapter 5.List of Claims Lodged by Creditors of the West Lothian Oil Company Ltd. XVIIList of Claims Lodged by Creditors of the Westfield Oil Company Ltd. XXNote: Tables 7 to 10 are discxissed in Part III,Chapter 7*7 (a) Birthplaces of Persons Enumerated inLinlithgow, 1851-1911 XXI(b) Numbers of Inter-Censal Migrants and Gross Migration Factors, Counties and Regions of Scotland to Linlithgow,1861-1911 XXIV(c) Persons Bom in Linlithgow and Enumeratedin other Counties of Scotland, 1851-1911 XXV(d) Numbers of Inter-Censal Migrants and Gross Migration Factors, Linlithgow to Counties and Regions of Scotland,1861-1911 XXVIII8 Linlithgow: Origin of Population, CensusYears 1851 to 1911, by Age and Sex XXIX9 Persons Enumerated in Linlithgow: Age and SexDistribution by Place of Birth XXX10 Persons Bom in Linlithgow and Enumerated in Another County of Scotland: Age and SexDistribution by Place of Enumeration XXXINote: Tables 11 to 20 are discussed in Part III,Chapter 8.11 Occupation Structure of the Shale Oil Industry,1871 XXXII12 Almond Valley Parishes: Shale Workers,occupational groups and birthplaces, 1871 XXXIII13 Almond Valley Parishes: Birthplaces of ShaleWorkers. XXXIV14 1871 Census: Manuscript Enumerators' Books,Analysis of Information Regarding Economically Active Individuals Employed in the Shale Oil Industry. XXXV1316171819Birihplaoes of work force by Socio-EconomicGroups. XXXVIParish of Uphall: Analysis of Enumerators*Book Data by Place of Last Indicated Residence. XXXVIIUphall Parish: Birthplaces of EconomicallyActive Persons for whom a Location Previous tothat of 1871 Enumeration but Subsequent toBirth can be established XXXVIIILast Indicated Residence prior to 1871 Census Enumeration of the Economically Active Individuals in the Shale Oil Industry, XXXIXBirthplaces and Last Indicated Residence of Economically Active Individuals for whom a Location Distinct from Birthplace and Place of Enumeration in 1871 is Known XL20 Indicators of Spatial Mobility Derived fromInformation in Census Enumerators* Books, 1871. XLINote: Tables 21 to 30 are discussed in Part III,Chapter 9.21 Persons per 100 Rooms and Variation from Scottish Average, Parishes and Villages in the Shale Area,A 1861 XLIIB 1871 XLIIIC 1881 XLIVD 1891 XLVE 1901 XLVIP 1911 XLVII22 Families per 100 Houses, 1861 to 1911 XLVIII23 Number of Rooms per 100 Families, 1861 to 1911 XLVIII24 Numbers and Proportions of Families Occupying Houses of Various Sizes, Scotland, Linlithgow County and the Almond Valley Parishes, 1861 to1911 XLIX25 Relationship between the Increase in Population and the Increase in Number of Rooms Occupied, for Inter-censal periods from 1861 to 1911;Scotland, Linlithgow County and the AlmondValley Parishes. L26 Relationship between the Proportion of Singleroomed Houses and the Level of Occupation Expressed as a Number of Persons per room.Spearman's Rank Order Co-efficients Scotland, Linlithgow County and the Almond ValleyParishes, Census Years from 1861 to 1911. LI27 Incidence of Overcrowding (as Measured by the Conteiiporary Standard of 3 persons per room) in Various Oil Company Rows; 1871 Census and 1891 Census. LII28 Level of Occupation of One- and Two-roomed Houses in Oil Cospany Rows in the Almond Valley,1871 LIII29 Provision of Shale Miners* and Oil Workers*Housing. LIV30 Landlords of Privately Rented Housing, other than Shale Miners or Oil Workers, Almond Valley Parishes, 1911-12 LVFIGURESNote: Figures A and B are discussed in Part II,Qmpter 4.A Shale Production East Scotland Area, 1875 to 1914B Imported Oil Price per Gallon, 1886 to 1913LVILVIINote: Figures C and D are discussed in Part III,Chapter 7 .DMigration Factors, Scottish Counties to Linlithgow, 1861 to 19111 Highland Counties2 Southern Upland Counties3 Lowland Counties4 Scottish RegionsMgration Factors, Linlithgow to other Scottish Counties, 1861 to 19111 Highland Counties2 Southern Upland Counties3 Lowland Counties4 Scottish RegionsLVIIILXILXIVLXXILXXIILXXIVLXXVIILXXXIIIMAPS and ILLUSTRATIONS (SKETCHES and PHOTOGRAPHS); these are relevant mainly to Part III, Chapters 9 and 10.MapsFigure1 Map of the Shale Area LXXXIV2 25" O.S. Broxhum, 1854 LXXXV3 25" O.S. Broxbum, 1897 LXXXVI4 25" O.S. Broxbum, 1916 LXXXVII3 25" O.S. Uphall, 1916 LXXXVIII6 25" O.S. Winohburgh, 1916 LXXXIX7 25" O.S. Niddry Rows, 1916 XC8 25" O.S. Vfesterton Rows, 1897 XCI9 25" O.S. Dalmeny Rows, 1896 XCI10 25" O.S. Kingscavil Rows, 1897 XGII11 25" O.S. Bridgend Rows, 1897 XCII12 25" O.S. Philpstoun Rows, 1897 XCIII13 25" O.S. Roman Camp, 1897 XCIII14 25" O.S. Uphall Station, 1917 XCIV13 25" O.S. Pumpherston, 1907 xcv16 25" O.S. Oakbank XCVI17 25" O.S. Livingston Station, 1916 XCVII18 25" O.S. Deans and Starlaw, 1916 XCVIII19 25" O.S. Seafield Rows XCVIII20 25" O.S. West Calder, 1907 XCIX21 25" O.S. Gavieside, Mossend and Raebum Rows,1917 c22 25" O.S. Rosebery Row, 1897 Cl23 25" O.S. Mid Breich and Westwood Rows, 1917and 1907 Cl24 25" O.S. Addiewell, 1907 CII25 25" O.S. South Cobbinshaw Rows, 1907 c m26 25" O.S. Old Woolford Rows, 1898 c m27 25" O.S. New Woolfords, 1911 c m28 25" O.S. Tarbrax, 1911. c iv29 25" O.S. Hermand Rows, 1894 cv30 25" O.S. Hermand Rows, 1907 cvIllustrationsFigure31 New Holygate, Broxbum CVI32 Sketch Plan of 24, New Holygate, Broxbum CVII33 Seafield Rows GVIII34 Sketch Plan of Two-apratment 'Through* Houseat Seafield Rows CIX33 Houses at New Woolfords and Tarbrax CX36 Sketch Plan of 46, Woolfords CXI37 Sketch Plan of 245, Viewfield Road, Tarbrax CXIII38 Interior Features of 245, Viewfield Road,Tarbrax CXV39 Niddry Castle Rows, Winchburgh CXVI40 Greendykes Road, Broxbum, looking north.Before 1920. CXVII41 Stewartfield Rows, Broxbum, before 1939. CXVIII42 Greendykes Road, Broxbum. After 1934. CXIX43 East Main Street, Broxbum, 1910. CXX44 Mid Street, Greendykes Rows, Broxbum, 1933* CXXI45 Sketch Plan of 96, Crosswood Terrace, Tarbrax. CXXII46 Sicetch Plan of 25, Roman Camp, Broxbum. CXXIII47 Crosswood Terrace, Tarbrax and Roman Camp,Broxbum. CXXIV48 Two storey *Back to Back* houses at Oakbank. CXXV49 Old Town, Broxbum, looking west. Circa 1893. CXXVX 30 Old Town, Broxbum, looking east. Circa 1914. CXXVII51 Houses at junction of Old Town and Easter Road, Broxbum. CXXVIII52 Tvm-roomed houses built in blocks of four and multiples of four. CXXIX53 Sketch Plan of house at 50, Alexander Street,Uphall. CXXX54 Variations on the tim-storey block. CXXXÏ55 Superior dwelling owned by Shale Workers. CXXXII56 Superior tenement style property; UphallLodging House. CXXXIII57 Sketch Plan of 59, Pyothall Road, Broxbum. CXXXIVBIBLIOGRAPHY CXXXVACmOWWX3EMENT8I Wish to express my gratitude to the Open University for the opportunity to undertake this research.I have to thank Professor Butt for his initial advice and encouragement ; my supervisor Dr. Ian Donnachie for his guidance at critical moments; staff and fellow students of the Open University and friends in the Scottish labour History Society for helpful references. I must also express my appreciation of the help received from the staffs of the Scottish Record Office; The Registrar of Companies (Scotland); The Registrar General (Scotland); the National Library of Scotland; Edinburgh Central Public Library; the Mitchell Library, Glasgow; the British Newspaper Library, Colindale and the West Lothian County Library Service. I was also privileged to consult, through the good offices of î-5r. Finlay and Mrs Mary Downie, the Estate Papers of the Earl of Rosebery at tolmeny House. I am also indebted to Andrew (Drew) Meek of British Petroleum for access to what remains of the records of thePumpherston Oil Cospany Ltd. I was privileged also to beable to talk to survivors of the industry including John Armstrong, Robert Darling, Patrick MacErlean,John Wardrope and George Reid. Lastly I have to thank my wife without whose encouragement and endurance this project would never have been completed.11ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE TEXT AND FOOTNOTESNLS National Library of ScotlandNSA New Statistical Account of ScotlandSRO Scottish Record OfficeINTRODUCTION THE PRE-INDUSTRIAL AMOND VALLEYThe Shale-Oil industry developed to its fullest extent in the valley of the River Almond which formed the boundary betv/een the counties of Mid and West Lothian. The parishes involved were West Calder, Mid Calder and Kirknewton in Mid Lothian and Livingston, Uphall, Kirkliston, IWmeny, Abercom, Ecclesmachan, Linlithgow and Bathgate in West Lothian. At Tarbrax, in Lanarkshire, the farthest west unit of the industry was a few hundred yards from the boundary of West Calder parish. The area was bounded on the south by the Pentland Hills and on the north by the estuary of the River Forth.i) ECONOMIC STRUCTUREPrior to the advent of the oil industry, the main economic activity was agriculture. In the richer lands to the east and north of the area, this took the form of a mixture of arable and pastoral farming, involving dairying and a little stock feeding. This last seems to have been a traditional activity, associated with the purchase of cattle from the Falkirk market. It \ms probably declining in the mid nineteenth century, due to conpetition from dairy farming for available pasture. In his contribution ^to the Second Statistical Account of Scotland, the Bathgate minister stated that dairy farming had to a large extent replaced the feeding of store c a t t l e . M o s t of the dairy(1) New Statistical Account of Scotland (NSA) (Edinburgh, lb45). Vol. k, pT Î68.produce was sold In Edinburgh. Only in respect of Bathgate parish is there mention of an alternative market. In that case Airdrie, a growing industrial tom some miles to the west provided an o u t l e t . D a i r y farming formed part of a rotation involving grain and green crops for stock feeding, The common grain crops were wheat, barley and oats. In the higher parts of the area - the southern and western parts of Kirknevrton, Mid Calder and West Calder parishes - the most common grain was oats. The non-food crops mentioned in the Statistical Account, flax and grass seed, were confined to West Calder parish.In Bathgate parish, particularly in its western part around the village of Armadale, coal and ironstone were mined extensively. In the western part of West Calder parish, iron ore had been worked from the late eighteenth century, successively by the Wilsons of Wilsontown Ironworks and by William Dixon and Cocpany. In Uphall and West Calder parishes coal was worked on a relatively small scale for use in local lime works and for domestic fuel. William Stark, master of a lime works at East Calder, employed fifteen colliers, presumably at Longford Colliery near West C a l d e r . T h e firm of T & J Hardie mined coal on the Houstoun estate at Uphall. Lime was worked for a variety of purposes. As indicated by the various parish ministers(2) Ibid.. p. 168.(3) Ibid.. Vol. 1, p. 307.(4) CAUSES pj^cpt;ymdf 1851, Kirknewton Parish, District 4, Schedule ^ . âark is described as a farmer of 120 acres, lime master, coal master and Tile Manufacturer, enploying 5 agricultural labourers, 23 <%uarrymen, 15 colliers and 12 tile makers.in the Second Statistical Account of Scotland, it was used in agriculture, and as a building material. Easter Camps limeworks, near East Calder, supplied lime to the Lanarkshire iron industry for use as a flux in smelting# It was also used for the purification of coal gas,^^) The lime works at Handaxwood, near West Calder, served similar outlets and with the advent of the railway, its produce was sent to destinations outside the immediate area# An abstract of the lime sold in the period from 1.10.1860 to 30.11.1861 shows that 17,656 tons were delivered to the Shotts, Coltness and Calder ironworks. 56534 bolls (about 2,000 tons) were sold to farmers and others at the kilns, while 21194 tons were delivered to such destinations as Bathgate, Broxbum, Edinburg, Lanark and Mothenmll.^^^Also of note as local industries were the manufacture of cotton textiles in the Bathgate area and boot and shoe making in Linlithgow. The cotton industry was represented by a spinning mill at Blackburn, a small village some two miles to the south-east of Bathgate. In Bathgate itself there were many hand-loom weavers. A small nail manufacturer in Blackburn, distilleries at Bathgate and Kirkliston, breweries at Bathgate and Mid Calder, several small tile works, a bone dust factory and a paper mill conplete the list of industry in the Almond valley.The area therefore shows in microcosm the developments taking place at that time in the economy of Scotland and of(5) NSA. Vol. 1, p. 445.(6) Scottish Record Office (SRO), Hare of Calderhall end Handaxwood., GD 266, Box 84, Bundle 89.the United Kingdom. In the 1840s Britain had experienced a period of unrest associated with economic difficulties and social problems. The subsequent decades were, by contrast, a period of prosperity. British price levels rose by one third from 1848 to 1855. Exports grew faster than ever before. Ihose of cotton piece goods almost doubled in the decade ending in 1860. Farming also enjoyed a period of prosperity.In the Almond valley, agriculture had been in a relatively sound state even before this so-called *Gk)lden Age* of the third quarter of the nineteenth century. It was the valley*s main industry. Except in Bathgate parish the bulk of the rentals in the Valuation Rolls were attributable to agricultural land. For instance, in %hall parish the landward area accounted for £6,951 of a total rental of £7,797+^^^ This concentration on the value of agricultural land is emphasised by a comparison of the work-forces and values of farming and non-farming enterprises. The total rateable value in 1855 of the lime, coal and tile works operated by William Stark was £385.In these enterprises fifty men were employed. In 1861the farm of Greendykes valued at a rental of £536 and employed seven men and tifo boys.^^^^ Land as such(7) E.J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Capital (London. 197^).(8) SRO, Valuation Roll, County of Linlithgow, 1855,Uphall Parish, VR 122/1.(9) SRO, Valuation Roll, County of Midlothian, 1855, Parishes of West Calder and Kirknewton, VR 108/1; Census of Scotland, 1851, Kirlmewton Parish, District 4, schedule 39.(10) SRO, Valuation Roll, County of West Lothian, 1861, Uphall Parish, VR 122/7; Census of Scotland, 1861, lft)hall Parish, District 2, Schedule 27.obviously had a considerably greater value than industrial activity.The organisation of agriculture in the area was based very largely on the landlord/tenant farmerA/age labourer relationship. Only in a few instances did landowners farm their ov/n land. John Davie Martin worked his 197 acres at Brotherton near West Calder, and John Graham at Muldron near Shotts did likewise. Most of the farming landowners occi^ied much smaller holdings. A typical example would be Mrs. Douglas of East Jarg, in West Calder parish, who farmed sixteen a c r e s . I n this respect the development of agriculture in the area was consistent with that of the rest of Scotland,By the middle of the nineteenth century agriculturehad become largely market-oriented. Land improvement andbetter faming methods had created a structure of large farms engaged in production for sale in the developing industrial areas.'farming had become, at least in most parts outside the Highlands, an occupation requiring considerable amounts of capital, sldlll and knowledge. The smaller people, especially in the Lowlands, could only drop into the position of agricultural labourers or withdraw to the toims or go abroad.* ^ ^The size of farms in Scotland varied considerably. In theLothians 200 to 300 acres ivas the average. In the(11) Census of Scotland, 1851, West Calder Parish, District 2, Schedule 331 District 4, Schedule 17 and District 6, Schedule 36.(12) H. Hamilton, The Industrial Revolution in Scotland (London, 1966), p. 74Vindustrial county of Lanarkshire farms were smaller.The manuscript Census Books for 1851 and 1861 indicate that the Almond valley had some of the characteristics of both Lanarkshire and the Lothians. The lower lying farms, around Broxburn and Kirkliston, were large, in terms of both acreage and rental. The farm of Greendykes referred to earlier is possibly typical. It had an area of 230 acres and an Annual Value of £536.^^^^ In the hilly areas of Kirknewton and the Calders, some of the holdings were as large as Greendykes, but there were numerous smaller farms, some as small as 15-20 acres, often worked by men with another occupation. For example, in 1851 the eight acre farm of Bridgend in West Calder parish was farmed by John Smellie, a c a r t e r . A l t h o u g h there were_injest______Calder parish a number of farms such as Polbeth which consisted of 120 acres and gave employment to the farmer and five labourers^the Valuation Rolls and Manuscript Census books indicate that the parish minister was not far from the mark in expressing the opinion that the size of(AJ)farms was seldom larger than would support a family.^ ' This difference in size extended also to the pattern of landownership. In the east and north individual(13) Ibid.. p. 73.(14) See Note 10 above.(15) Census of Scotland, 1851, West Calder Parish, District 2, Schedule 4.(16) Ibid., District 2, Schedule 41.(17) NSA Vol. 1, p. 308.estates were large . In 1855 the total Annual Value of Ahercom parish was £7,741, of which the holdings of the Earl of Hopetoim accounted for £6,567, or nearly 85 per cent.^^^^ In the parishes of Uphall, Dalmeny and Kirkliston the tv/o major landovmers were the Earls of Rosebery and Buchan. There were a number of smaller but still substantial holdings such as those of Hog of Newliston and Hope- Vere of Craigiehall. In the western part of l^ phall and in the parishes of Livingston, Kirknevrbon and the Calders, estates were smaller. In West Calder, in 1855, the largest holding was that of I4iss Douglas of Baads and' Bumgrange. Tnis had an Annual Value of £ 1 , 2 7 7 . In 1855 the total Annual Value of Kirknewton Parish was £8,441 of which £3,564 related to the property of the Earl of M o r t o n . T h e remainder was divided among seventeen proprietors whose holdings ranged from £815 to £13. In M d Calder parish the estates of the largest owner, Lord Toipichen, accounted for £2,855 out of a total Annual Value of £9,247. The remaining nineteen holdings ranged in Annual Value from £842 to £5#^^^^The New Statistical Account of Scotland indicates that, in the Almond valley, proprietors and tenants were not backward in the adoption of the latest methods of land improvement and cultivation. The number of lime worlcs(18) SRO, Valuation Roll, County of West Lothian, 1855, Abercom Parish, VR 122/1.(19) SRO, Valuation Roll, County of Midlothian, 1855, West Calder Parish, VR IO8/I.(20) Ibid., Kirknewton Parish.(21) Ibid., Mid Calder Parish.8mentioned by the parish ministers suggests that this substance was much used on the land. The use of tiledrains is referred to by most ministers. This is confirmed by Valuation Roll entries for three tile works at West Calder, Uphall and Kirknewton, ) The 1851 ManuscriptCensus books have an occasional entry of * drainer* as an occvpation. Also the parish minister of Kirknewton attributed a decrease in the supply of water at springs and wells to *the thorough drainage which forms so prominent a feature in the present system of agricultural improvement The use of the latest kinds of manure also receives mention. The Kirkliston minister lists rape cake, bone dust and soot as well as the 'common manures* from Edinburgh. ) Theuse of this last, the product of the inadequate sanitary arrangements of the city, was made possible by the easy means of transport afforded by the Union Canal vdiich passed through the area. The manure traffic continued until at least 1871. The Manuscript Census book for that year shows that, on the night of the census, a manure boat from Fountainbridge was moored at Port Buchan, near Broxburn.The bone dust was very probably the produce of a small factory at Broxburn, which in 1861 employed eight men and four women.(22) See also page 3 regarding the product of Handaximod limeworks.(25) SRO Valuation Rolls, Counties of M d and West Lothian, Parishes of West Calder, Kirknewton and Uphall,VR 108/1 and 122/1.(24) NSA Vol. I, p. 455.(25) Ibid., Vol. I, p. 145.(26) Census of Scotland, 1861, Uphall Parish, District 1, Schedule 46.Improvement was In some instances achieved with difficulty. The minister of V/est Calder parish makes reference to lack of capital as an inhibiting factor on improvement by tenant farmers. Some proprietors were prepared to assist. The minister singled out the estate of Harbum for special mention as 'an oasis in the desert'.In Bathgate parish also 'want of capital, and, in some cases, want of encouragement by the proprietors' were 'the greatest obstacles to improvement in the agricultural state of the parish. A few landovmers, notably those with thelarger holdings, are mentioned as keen improvers. The Linlithgow minister said that in his parish the expense of drainage normally fell on the tenant and that only the Earl of Rosebery, Captain Stewart of Binning and I4r. Seton of Preston made any contribution.Some local landowners, particularly in West Calder parish, were absentee landlords. Mss Douglas of Bumgrange lived in London, The Reverend James Logan of Loganlea was the parish minister of Swinton. Such people may well have had other interests to prevent them taking an active part in land improvement. On the other hand, outside interests may have had, in some cases, a beneficial influence. The estate of Harbum, referred to earlier as an example of successful in^rovement, was in mid nineteenth century the property of first, Alexander Young, a Writer to the Signet, and then of James Cochrane, a manufacturer of(27) NSA Vol. 1, p. 308,(28) Ibid.. Vol. 2, p. 160.(29) Ibid.. Vol. 2, p. 178.10gas meters at Greenside in Edinburgh. These men might well have used capital derived from their outside activities to help in the improvement of the estate.Apart from the towns of Linlithgow and Bathgate and the extreme western portion of West Calder parish, the bulk of the non-agricultural population was engaged in occupations ancillary to farming. The tile works and, to a lesser extent, the lime and freestone quarries existed mainly to provide a service to the major industry. Com and sawmills were often directly associated with agricultural estates. The grain mill at Mid Calder obviously owed its existence to local agriculture.A number of villages of varying size were centres for crafts serving the agricultural population. The parish of Kirkliston, as described in the New Statistical Account, may be regarded as providing a typical range of services. There were eleven wrights, nine smiths, five tailors, eight shoemakers, five grocers, two candlemakers, four bakers and a doctor. The villages also provided housing for casually employed agricultural labourers. In 1851 the village of West Calder housed 31 males and fifteen females described as agricultural labourers.Industry not related to agriculture consisted partly of small units serving a largely local need. There were two distilleries, at Bathgate and Kirkliston: and twobreweries, at Bathgate and Mid Calder. The larger Scottish(30) Census of Scotland, 1851 - West Calder Parish, District 1.11industrial pattern was manifested in the form of a paper mill at Mid Calder.The major activities were.however, cotton textile manufacture around Bathgate and the leather industry at Linlithgow. The latter was organised by small capitalists employing the craftsmen involved. The various trades existed independently ; 24 master shoemakers employed 276journeymen, 43 apprentices and 30 women bootbinders; five tanners employed 28 men and nine curriers employed 50. Associated with the industry were two glue factories.In the case of the cotton industry, the hand-loom weavers were self-employed craftsmen working for merchants in Glasgow or Edinburgh. In addition to the 500 weavers, 122 women and girls were engaged in tambouring and 38 in sewing webs.^^^^ At Blackburn, some two miles to the south-east, a cotton spinning mill gave employment to 120 men, women and c h i l d r e n . A fair impression of the local importance of the industry is gained from the New Statistical Account. In this the parish minister stated that, 'The greatest change however has been effected by the introduction of cotton manufactures into the town. *The population of the town had almost doubled from the time of the First Account and at the time of the Nev/ Account (1843), half the population was dependent on its manufacture.(31) NSA Vol. 2, p. 180.(32) Ibid.. p. 161.(33) Ibid.. p. 119.(34) Ibid.. p. 168.12The Bathgate experience instanced a seeming paradox general in the first Industrial Revolution. The cotton industry in its spinning mills provided an early example of mechanised production, while at the same time the hand- loom weaver was given the opportunity to play a part in large scale production. The availability of large supplies of relatively cheap machine spun yam created a huge demand for cotton cloth. This was satisfied, for many years, by a large increase in the numbers of hand-loom weavers. The general adoption of the power loom \ras delayed by the willingness of the hand-loom weavers to compete with it.They accepted such a low return for their labour that it was not, in many cases, an economic proposition for manufacturers to adopt the power loom.^^^)The second stage of the Industrial Revolution, the development of the metal industries, also affected the Almond valley. In the Western part of West Calder parish at Handaxwood, iron ore had been mined for the Wilsontown ironworks since the latter part of the eighteenth century. Nearby, at Muldron, iron ore was mined by the Shotts Iron Company from the early nineteenth century. Bathgate parish v^ as much affected by later developments, particularly by that expansion associated with the use of 'blackband* ironstone and the introduction of the 'hot blast* process.In 1841 the population of Bathgate parish was made up of 2,809 persons in the town itself; 1,015 in the landward(35) S.D. Chapman, Tbe Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution (London, 1972), p. É5;Norman Murray, The Scottish Handloom Weavers (Edinburgh 1978), pp. 64, W>13area and 103 in a small v i l l a g e . I n 1861 the population of Bathgate town was 4,827 and the parish total was 1 0 , 1 1 3 . The largest occupational group in the census comprised the miners, many of whom were employed by concerns based outside the immediate area, the Shotts Iron Company and William Dixon being large employers.ii) SOCIAL STRUCTURE'The social fabric is stretched upon an economic framework, and its contours follow the outlines of the skeleton which supports it.'(^^) Given that this is so, the society of the Almond valley in mid nineteenth century was a product of, or at least was influenced by, the changes outlined above which had taken place in the economic organisation of the area. 'In acquiring new forces of production, men change their mode of production, their way of earning their living; they change all their social relations.'Such change was not peculiar to manufacturing industry. Agriculture had developed from a subsistence industry to one oriented toward the markets of large cities and industrial centres. 'Most farmers in the early eighteenth century regarded a surplus of agricultural products as an(36) NSA Vol. 2, p. 139.(37) Census of Scotland, 1861, Batligate Parish.(38) R.H. Tawney, Equality (London, 1973), p. 63.(39) T.B. Bottomore and M. Rubel (Eds.) Karl Marx.Selected Writings in Sociology and Social Fniloso'phv (London, 197o)7p. f08.14unusual blessing; they orientated production towards subsistence*. By the middle of the nineteenthcentury the influence of large markets for foodstuffs, and the early effects of the Industrial Revolution, had produced a society in which social relationships were determined by an economic structure based on the omership and control of the means of production. A person's relationship to the means of production, whether he owned it, hired it for his use or simply served it in some capacity, decided his standard of living and his position in society.Several factors deserve consideration here. One of the more important is the question of the rewards to individuals for services to the community. The way in which these varied with circumstances is of obvious interest. In a subsistence economy, with little or no margin over and above bare subsistence, differentials could hardly be large, although they could be very important.As the surplus above subsistence level becomes larger its disposal produces marked differences between individuals in socio-economic terms. In primitive societies any surplus might be traded for tools or other necessities not available within the community. In more sophisticated societies some of the surplus might be devoted to the maintenance of groups within the community making no material contribution to the common good. These would include among others the bearers of the culture of the(40) S.G.E. Lythe and J. Butt, An Economic Historv ofScotland. 1100-1939 (Glasgow, 1975;, p. iW.15society. As societies evolved this cultural life involved and affected people in different strata of society as increasing numbers of people shared in the surplus.In the Almond valley in the mid-nineteenth century this process had progressed sufficiently to affect people well dovai the socio-economic scale. To estimate the shares of the various groups it is necessary to consider such aspects as their incomes and how these were derived, their housing, clothing and feeding, Non-economic aspects of life such as religion, education and leisure pursuits are also important.The landowners, in the main, had by the 1850s, freed themselves from active involvement in the cultivation of the land. At most their interest was confined to the initiation of improvements which would maximise their returns. Rents naturally varied with the suitability of the land for the various forms of husbandry. In the well- cultivated rich lands of the eastern parishes the normal rent was about two pounds per acre. The New Statistical Account gives the average rent in Uphall parish as £1.15 4lillings (£1.75) per acre. In Kirkliston parish the figure was £2.5 shillings (£2.25) and in Dalmeny parish, £2.3.6 (£2.171'). In contrast, the rents of arable land in the upland areas of M d and West Calder parishes were from ten shillings (50 pence) to one pound per acre.^^^^ Confirmation of the parish ministers* figures is available in the manuscript census records and the Valuation Rolls.(41) NSA Vol. 1, pp. 142, 308 and 374, Vol. 2, pp. 87 andw .16For instance the farm of East Mins, in Broxburn parish, appears in the Valuation Roll for 1861 at an Annual Value or rental of £712. In the manuscript census book for the parish in 1861 the farm is stated to comprise 265 acres.The rent can be assumed, therefore, to have been about £2.68 per acre.The landowners, in the fertile eastern areas of the valley, can be seen to have had a steady source of income. The size of that income naturally depended on the size of the landholding. Land in the parishes of Uphall, Dalmeny, Abercom and Kirkliston was mostly the property of aristocratic, large-scale owners such as the Earls of Hopetoim, Rosebery, Strathbrock and Buchan. The holdings of these men were worth many thousands of pounds per annum in rent. In Abercom parish the Earl of Hopetoim owned land of an annual rental of £6,567 out of a parish total of £7,741. There were also many lesser, but still substantial, landlords such as Major Shairp of Houstoun House, in 1855 the owner of lands with a rental of £ 1 , 2 1 7 . Vdiile unable to indulge in conspicuous consumption on the same scale as the local aristocracy, men such as Major Shairp lived comfortably. They occupied substantial and often elegant mansions such as Houstoun House, Newliston House or Harbum House, It is difficult to isolate this group from the successful men of business who had bought estates as residences while carrying on their activities in Glasgow or(42) See p. 4.(43) SRO Valuation Roll, County of West Lothian, 1855, Uphall Parish, VR 122/1.17Edinburgh. James Cochrane, while living at Harbum House near West Calder employed forty men as a manufacturer of gas meters at Greenside in Edinburgh, ( ^ )The life-style of the smaller landlords is indicated by the minister of West Calder parish. After listing eight of the larger estates and their omers he states somewhat dismissively, that 'The other proprietors who live on their property have only small one-storey houses. *Some of the smaller landowners were in fact, absentees : afew were churchmen in other parishes, and some were officers of the armed forces. Altogether, a substantial number of the smaller owners were involved in activities outside of the Almond valley community. In some instances, where the church and the forces were involved, the local economy may have subsidised these activities. In the case of men like James Cochrane business activity may well have contributed some of its profits to the maintenance of the estate.There is no direct evidence of the incomes of the tenant farmers of the area. It has been suggested that, at this period, a well run arable farm might have been expected to yield a profit to the tenant of about one pound per acre.(^^) If this were the case the farm of Greendykes at Broxburn would have produced for its occupant an income in excess of £200 per year. The largest farming incomes in the area would liave been achieved by the tenants of(44) Census of Scotland 1851, West Calder Parish, District 3, Schedule 18,(45) NSA Vol. 1, p. 306.(46) C.S. Orwin and E.H. V/hetham, History of British Agriculture. 1856-1914 (London, 1964), p. 35.18Humble and iUmondhill in Kirkliston parish. These comprised 666 and 400 acres respectively. ( ) With annualvalues of £1,086 and £1,063 these farms warrant comparison with Fenton Bams in East Lothian farmed by George Hope.^^^ Some of the larger farms had houses comparable in size with the local manses and smaller mansion houses. For instance, at East Mains in Uphall parish, the farm house was of ten rooms, and that of Broxburn Hall had eleven.The Kirkliston manse liad sixteen r o o m s . I n some casesof course, the size of a farm house might have owed something to the need to accommodate workers living-in, and would not be closely related to the life-style of the farmer. Broxburn Hall farm house in fact was occupied in 1861 by the farmer, a widow, and her family of three sons and three daughters. Also resident were two grandchildren, a female servant and a lodger. The lodger was a mining engineer who occupied two of the eleven rooms. The indications are that the family were able to occupy the house without the need to accommodate farm workers, but also that even a farmer was unable to resist the opportunity of a little extra income from those involved in the new industry.A similar pattern of relative affluence and comfortable living can be observed among the industrial entrepreneurs.The proprietors of the two distilleries lived in some style. Robert Stewart, the employer of 26 men at Kirkliston(47) Census of Scotland, 1871, Kirkliston Parish, District 4, Schedules 64 and 85.(48) Orwin and IVhetham, op. cit.. p. 17.(49) Census of Scotland, 1871, Uphall Parish, District 1, Schedules 170, 171.(50) Census of Scotland, 1871, Kirkliston Parish, District 1, Schedule 154.19distillery, occupied Iiigliston House, an imposing edificewhich later became, successively, the clubhouse of a well-known golf club and the permanent headquarters of theRoyal Higliland and Agricultural Society. John McNab, ofGlenmavis distillery at Bathgate, lived at Blackburn Hall,an elegant small mansion house near Bathgate. In humblerbut still comfortable circumstances were such men asWilliam Fraser, a bone meal manufacturer at Broxburn. In1861 he lived in a five-roomed house in Broxburn village.^Similarly the widow of the limemaster at Leavenseat in West(52)Calder parish occupied a house of five rooms at the works. * In broadly similar circumstances were the various tradespeople serving the needs of the community.The largest group with whom we are concerned is, of course,those in employment. This group consisted of men totally dependent for their subsistence on the value placed by others on the services they were able to offer. There were a few men engaged in wage labour along with the cultivation of small holdings on their own a c c o u n t . T h e s e were, however, the exception rather than the rule.The condition of the working people was covered in some detail by the local ministers in the New Statistical Account of Scotland. Among those employed in agriculture the regularly employed labourer or 'hind' had the highest wage. The Kirkliston minister gave a figure of £26 to £27(51) Census of Scotland, 1861, Uphall Parish, District 1, Schedule 46.(52) Census of Scotland, 1861, West Calder Parish, District 6, Schedule 64.(53) Census of Scotland, 1851, West Calder Parish, District 1, Schedule 60 and District 2, Schedule 18.20per year, for this g r o u p . I n Kirknev/ton parish the 'hind' might expect to receive from £15 to £16 per year in money, a house with a small garden, 6% bolls of meal, three bolls of potatoes (a boll was equal to six bushels), coals delivered to his home and two meals per day during the month of harvest. A young unmarried man, living in, was paid from £5 to £7 per half year plus board. Day labourers were paid from 9 shillings to 10 sîoillings (45 to 50 pence) per week.t^^)In the villages craftsmen were rather better paid than the farm workers. In Kirkliston, wrights were paid 2 shillings' and sixpence (12-| pence) per day; masons 5 shillings (15 pence); and slaters 3 shillings to 3 and 6 pence (17& p e n c e ) . I n the Linlithgow leather Industry, shoemalcers earned 10 shillings (50 pence) per week for a 12 hour day . In the tanneries skilled men got 13 shillings (65 pence) per week and unskilled men 9 shillings (45 pence) . Curriers had 14 shillings (70 pence) per week.^^^) gzhe return from hand loom weaving and other operations in the Bathgate cotton industry is not set out in detail, but is described as *poor’.^ ^^ ^ The wages of labourers other than farm labourers were very similar to those in agriculture. In the 1840s men engaged in road repairs were paid at rates of from 1/6 (7& pence) to 2/6 (12& pence) per day.(54) NSA Vol 1, p. 142.(55) Ibid.. Vol. 1, p. 444.(56) Ibid.. Vol. 1, p. 142.(57) Ibid.. Vol. 2, p. 180.(58) Ibid.. Vol. 2, p. 161.21A typical example is that of Andrew Watson, Andrew Gilbert and some others who were, on 1.4.1842, paid for thirty days at rates of 2/6, 2/-, 1/10 and 1/6 per day.^^^^ The higher rates involved some responsibility for supervision. Michael Calder was, in the period from 5.6.1833 to 31.5*1834 paid at the rate of 2/6 per day for 353 days for working and overseeing the repairs on the Wilsontown and Lanark roads in the parish of West Calder. The labourers atlimeworks were similarly remunerated. At Leavenseat the rate was 11 shillings (55 pence) per week, and at East Calder 10 shillings and 6 pence (52# penceIn the New Statistical Account, the majority of the local ministers expressed satisfaction with the condition of the working people. A typical comment was 'On the whole the people . . . enjoy in a reasonable degree the comforts of social life, and are contented with their circumstances.* The sole dissenting voice was that of the minister of Linlithgow parish; 'But thou^ agriculture be as far advanced as in any district . . . much may yet be done to promote the happiness and comfort of the people.(59) SRO Accounts of Receipt and Expenditure of Statute Labour Money, Mid Calder Parish, April 1, 1842, C02/ II/5*(60) SRO Accounts of Wilsontown and Lanark Road Trustees, 31.5.1834, C02/10/4.(61) James Carmichael, "Account of the Principal Limestone Quarries of Scotland", Transactions of thé Highland and Agricultural Society of Scotland. Series 2, Vol.5#quoted in !b.C. skinner. the Lime industry of theLothians. (Edinburgh, 19W).(62) ^ Vol. 1, p. 140.(63) Ibid.. Vol. 2, pp. 187-8.22The employment of women and children was, at this time, a matter of concern to social reformers. In the Almond valley, married women were not regularly employed#The manuscript census hooks seldom indicate an occupation for a married woman. On the other hand single women and widows are normally listed as enrployed. In Bathgate parish this enployment was often in the cotton industry.the rest of the area many women found work as field labourers. The 1851 manuscript census book for the village of West Calder lists occupations for women as follows : fifteen field labourers, four dressmakers, fourflowerers, three tambourers, three spinners, two knitters, two mat-makers and one each of sick nurse, bread hawker, grocer, milliner and straw-hat maker.Children as young as ten years old were regularly employed in the mid nineteenth century. The manuscript census books for 1851 provide the following examples.Thomas Govrms aged ten of West Calder is listed as a farm servant. David Mrtin, aged eleven, was a coal miner.Three brothers, James, David and Alex Wood, aged thirteen, twelve and eleven respectively are listed as 'drawers of ironstone '. Isaac lihitfield, aged twelve and John Aitchison, aged ten are shorn as iron miners.In consideration of the housing conditions of the working people reliance must be placed on the New Statistical(64) Census of Scotland, 1851, West Calder Parish, District 1(65) Ibid., West Calder Parish, District 1, Schedule 13, District 4, Schedule 18, District 6, Schedules 42, 56 and 62.23Account supplemented by the evidence of the manuscript census hooks and Valuation Rolls. The Almond valley in mid nineteenth century provides examples of phenomena observed elsewhere. The 'closed* estate village of Society, for instance, housed the skilled workers in the employment of the Earl of Hopetoun. The larea hadits share of bothies #iich housed many of the young unmarried farm servants. In most cases these were male. The case, cited by Hutchison, of four female farm servants occupying a bothy was not a general rule in the area. Female servants were nonnally housed in the farmer's own house.In 1841 Kirknewton parish provided eight instances of young farm workers housed in accommodation described as stables, byres or o f f i c e s . in 1831 many of these weredescribed as servants' room or servants' apartment.Housing conditions may have inproved over the interveningten years, or the former use of the accommodation may havebeen forgotten. This type of housing was not confined tofarm workers. In 1831 the West Mill stables at Mid Calderhoused a ploughman, two carters, four millers and one(66) Enid Gauldie, Cruel Habitations (London, 1974), p. 44.(67) Robert îkitchison, Dietaries of Scotch Agricultural Labourers, Transactions of the Highland and Agricultural Society. Foui%i Series, Vol. ÏI,' p. , \ '..(68) Census of Scotland, 1841, Kirknewton Parish, Third Schedule, p. 2. George Dick, farmer of Buinhouse, is a typical example in that he had in his own household three female servants, and in 'stables' three male farm servants.(69) The case noted above (note 68) is a typical example.(70) Census of Scotland j 1851, Kirknewton Parish, District 5, Schedules 26, 36, 51 and 60.24cov/herd, all immarried men in the employment of the grain miller, Robert Bnith.^^^ ^Married agricultural labourers fell into two groups with regard to housing* The 'hind*, enployed on a yearly basis, was provided with a house as part of the contract of employment. In the case of the casual day labourer the farmer was responsible for no more than the day's wage.It has been said, regarding the first group that, 'In Scotland and Wales, housing standards were even lower than in England* In Scotland the "but and ben", the tim roomed house was usual, but many of the farm cottages had only one room. ' The English standard itself was not high. In evidence to the Royal Commission on Housing in 1885, a 'good* house was defined as one that 'should have walls, roof and windows that could keep out the weather, access to clean water, and a sound floor.' The witness however 'knew of no part of Britain where they /good house^ could be said to be common* ' The available evidence indicates that housing in the Almond valley %ms not markedly different from the general Scottish picture. At East Mains, Broxburn, in the prosperous eastern part of the valley, a group of houses comprised one of three rooms, two of t\/o rooms and two single apartments. They were occupied by ploughmen. Many similar examples can be(71) Ibid., Mid Calder Parish, District 5, Schedule 148.(72) Orwin and Vhetham, op. cit.. p. 93.(73) Gauldie, op. cit.. p. 55*(74) Census of Scotland, 1861, Uphall Parish, District 1, Schedules 162-168.25found.There are indications that more recent building %ms of a higher standard. The Kirkliston minister commented on the building of cottages at Clifton Hall 'on a remarkably neat plan. On the other hand the minister ofWest Calder commented forcibly on the poor quality of farm houses and steadings in his parish. It may safely beassumed that, where the farmhouses were inferior, *fche accommodation of the farm workers was equally so. Whatlittle concrete evidence there is is conflicting. Someitems cast doubt on the general view that rural housing was of an extremely low standard. There are indications that, where an agricultural family occupied only one or two rooms, it did not necessarily follow that there v/as a desperate shortage of living space. In a report on damage by mining operations on the estate of Handazwood, the surveyor refers to two cot houses as extending 'in length together to about 66 feet. Allowing for awall thickness of three feet, each house was about 27 feet in length. Even if, as was then normal, the width of the(75) For example, in Uphall Parish, at Houston Row, there were four houses of two rooms each and three single aparianents occupied by agricultural labourers, ploughmen and a carter. Census of Scotland, 1861, District 3, Schedules 2-3 and 5-9.(76) HSA Vol. 1, p. 140. Later in the nineteenth century ïhere was a general movement in Scotland towards such improvement, and the Agricultural Dwellings Improvement Association produced plans for cottages which could be built at a cost of £90-95; Scotsman.20 January 1879.(77) NSA Vol. 1. P. 307.(78) SRO, Hare of Calderhall and Handaxwood, GD 266,Bundle 88.26houses was small, this is a substantial improvement on the situation envisaged in the comment that in the nineteenth century a room of sixteen feet by twelve feet was thought to be 'unnecessarily extravagant' ) Similar cottagescan be identified and measured on the six inch Ordnance Survey maps of the area published in 1853.^^^^On the other hand there is evidence to support the view that the worst rural housing was that occupied by industrial workers. ^ At Handaxwood, in West Calderparish, Slaty Row accommodated twelve families each in one room. The row was approximately 210 feet long and twenty feet wide. After making allowance for the thickness of the mils, it appears that each one-roomed house was about fifteen feet s q u a r e , A t Longford a row of eight one- roomed houses measured 154 feet by timnty feet, again indicating a room of about fifteen feet s q u a r e . T h e s e houses were occupied by miners employed at Handaxwood iron mines and at Longford colliery.(79) Gauldie, on, cit.. p. 57,(80) Ordnance Survey, 6", Edinburgh, 1853, Sheets 9 and 15. m 'fact it' was found more convenient to identify examples on the 1906 Edition which was surveyed at 25" to the mile in 1893. A cottage of two rooms at Bumfoot measured about 80 feet by 20 feet. At Blawearie two single roomed houses measured together were of similar dimensions. Allowing for a wall thickness of 3 feet, it would appear that rooms of 30 feet by 14 feet were not unknown in the Almond valley.(81) Gauldie, on. cit.. pp. 58-69, is an interesting discussion of this aspect of rural housing.(82) Census of Scotland, 1861, West Calder Parish, District 6, Schedules 1-13; Ordnance Survey* 6", Edinburgh, 1853, Sheet 15.(83) Census of Scotland, 1861, West Calder Parish, District 5, Schedules 49-56; Ordnance Survey. 6", Edinburgh, 1853, Sheet 9.27The Census of 1861 indicates that in Scotland 226,723 families, one third of the population, lived in houses of one room.(^^) The manuscript census books provide the means to relate that statistic to the reality as it affected the people concerned. In Kirkliston parish in 1861, a population of 2,050 lived in 1,221 rooms, an average of 167 persons per 100 rooms. In Bathgate parish, which was in 1861 the closest approximation to an industrial town in the area, 10,133 people lived in 3,683 rooms, an average of 275 persons per 100 rooms* There were considerable variations within Bathgate parish. In the country areas in Districts 13, 14 and 15 occupation levels were 212, 276 and 202 persons per 100 rooms. In the mining areas in Districts 8, 9 and 10 people lived 336, 395 and 380 per 100 rooms.Even in the purely agricultural parish of Kirkliston there was some variation. In the country area to the west of the village the average level of occupation was 138 persons per 100 rooms. In Kirkliston itself the figurewas 182 per 100 rooms. Averages can however conceal asmuch as they reveal, and in this case a considerable amount of overcrowding can be discerned. In Kirkliston parish there were in 1861, 209 one-roomed houses in idiich there lived 772 persons, an average of 368 per 100 rooms. There were 128 two-roomed houses which sheltered 531 people, an average of 207 persons per 100 rooms. The remainder of(84) R.H. Campbell, Scotland Since 1707 (Oxford, 1971),p. 193.(85) Census of Scotland, 1861, Bathgate and KirklistonParishes.28the population occupied houses of more than, two rooms and lived at a density of 97 persons per 100 rooms.It can be argued that some at least of the one-roomed houses were occupied by single persons. This is confirmed by the manuscript census books, and it is possible to recalculate the average to omit houses so occupied. This results, in Kirkliston parish, in a level of occupation of 414 persons per 100 rooms for one-roomed houses occupied by more than one person. The manuscript census books for the parish give examples of a family of four adults and four children in a one-roomed house; two adults and seven children in a one-roomed house and two adults and five children in one of two rooms. Such dwellings may well have been among those described by the minister as 'little better than Irish cabins.There are some instances of absentee landlordism in this context. In 1855 John James, a bootmaker of 102 George Street in Edinburgh, owned nine houses in Mid Calder with an annual value of £18. Alex James, SSC, of Dublin Street, Edinburgh was the landlord of four houses of an annual value of £11* In both cases the factor was the local schoolmaster, James Hislop. Jane Reid of Todholes, Balemo owned five houses of an annual value of £9 which were factored by a local slater, John Laurie.There is little direct evidence of actual living conditions. Vftiat there is indicates that life was somewhat(860 NSA Vol. 1, p. 150.(87) SRO, Valuation Roll, County of Midlothian, 1855,Parish of Mid Calder, VR 108/1.29spartan in conç)arison with present day conditions. In evidence at a murder trial, Ite Jean Muir of Blawearie said that *The wall between the houses was of stone but not plastered! and that she * could not make out words when persons were speaking in the house. * This indicatesthat the gable wall between the two houses was of a sufficiently high standard of construction to absorb a great deal of the sound transmitted from one house to the other . At the same time it may show that plastered walls were not a feature of working class housing. With regard to furnishings the trial indicates that an jmportant element was the * close’ or *box’ bed. William Smith, the farmer of Longford and the landlord of the two cottages, gave evidence of finding spots of blood ’on the outside of the bed d o o r s . I n a paternity suit before tie West Calder Kirk Session, James Douglas of East Jarg referred to his bed as ’a close bed. There were just two doors on the bed.'(90)At the above trial a witness, John Walkinshaw, made reference to two locked chests in the victim’s house.This is the only mention of furnishings apart from a passing reference to the fact that the tv/o windows were curtained by the victim’s big coat and other items of clothing. Altogether, even after allowance is made for the fact that he was unmarried, this seems fairly spartan(88) Scotsman 16 March 1844. Account of the trial of James Siyce for the murder of John Geddes. Geddes and Mrs Muir occupied adjoining single-roomed cottages, separated by the internal wall described by Mrs Muir.(89) Ibid.(90) SRO, West Calder Kirk Session Minutes, 1841. CH2/366/6.30accommodation for a man who was thought by his neighbours to be well enough off that ’he did not need to work an ill day unless he liked, for he had plenty to do his turn with.’^ ^^ An important aspect of life is the availability at a reasonable price of adequate supplies of fuel for heating and cooking, The western part of the Almond valley lay close to the coal mines of VJhitbum, Fauldhouse and Bathgate. The rest of #ie area was well served by the Union Canal. Local workpeople should have been ideally placed to enjoy that ’warm hearth’ and ’hot meal’ which Professor Ashton describes as being ’of no small consequence to the man #io came home wet from the f i e l d s . T h e r e is,however, evidence that in some parts of the Almond valley, Ashton’s comforting assumption was far from the reality. In Kirkliston parish the minister noted with some concern that the poorer inhabitants were unable to purchase fuel in large quantities, and were in consequence compelled to pay a higher price for the small amounts they were able to afford at any one time. ’For this reason very little coal is used by the poor; their fires are chiefly made from the cuttings of the w o o d s . T h e situation in Mid Calder parish was possibly worse. In thewords of the minister of that parish, ’The vast quantity of coal now annually consumed by the manufacture of iron, and by steam engines, has raised the price of this necessary(91) Scotsman, 16 I^rch 1844, Trial of James Bryce.(92) T.8. Ashton, The Industrial Revolution 1760-1830 (Oxford, 1968), pV W .(93) NSA Vol. 1, 149.31article of daily use so high, as to render it scarcelyattainable by the poorer classes of the community. Theconversion of common peat moss into a fuel, has, therefore,become an object of no inconsiderable importanceAs indicated earlier the local ministers writing inthe New Statistical Account were almost unanimously of theview that the common people enjoyed a comfortable standardof life. The only dissenting voice was that of theincumbent of Linlithgow parish. However statements madeby the ministers in different contexts indicate thatperhaps the situation of the poor was not necessarilyperfect. Tiie Kirkliston minister who had commented on thepeople’s contentment with their lot, later remarked that’it is evident that the condition of the labouring classes is susceptible of great improvement and there is no doubt that their condition would be greatly better than it is, if there were among them a greater degree of foresight, and a care in laying up, from present income a provision for future want.’ (^ 5)Many of the associated the condition of the poorwith a lack of moral character on their part. In MidCalder parish, for example, there were a ’small number ofthe poorer families* who ’seldom attend any place ofworship, under the pretence of want of suitable clothing.’®®The strongest expression of this attitude is found in(94) Ibid.. p. 380. In 1854, out of nearly 6# million tons of coal mined in Lanarkshire, Ayrshire, Dumbarton and Renfrew, 2§ million tons were used in iron production alone. In 1873 it was said that the Carr on and Clyde iron works between them used as much coal as the whole of the inhabitants of Edinburgh. Hamilton, on. cit.. p. 190 and p. 164.(95) NSA Vol. 1, p. 150.(96) Ibid.. p. 376.32the comments of the clergy on what was seen as abuse of the poor relief system. The Bathgate minister found that ’ unwillingness to apply for parochial relief is on the decline, and that relatives in many instances seem to feel little annoyance at those near to them becoming the objects of public charity. * ) The incumbent of M d Calderparish also commented on the absence of the former habit by which the poor were supported by their sons and daughtersAvailable evidence from the manuscript census books does not support this view of the situation. In 1851, in Kirimewton parish most of the persons listed as paupers were elderly men and women living on their om. There are few instances of elderly paupers residing with relatives.In any case such relatives had, in the main, family responsibilities and would have experienced difficulty in supporting an aged relative without help. Agnes McKenzie, aged 55, is listed as a pauper and enumerated as part of the family of a nephew, a quarryman with a wife and five children. The household of George Emslie included a wife and three children as well as an 80 year old father and a 78 year old mother-in-law. Some elderly people were not listed as paupers. John Wallace, an 82 year old retired agricultural labourer, lived with a son and his family.His son was a master shoemaker. Margaret Alexander, the56 year old widow of an agricultural labourer resided with(97) Ibid.. Vol. 2, p. 166.(98) Ibid.. Vol. 1, p. 379.33her 29 year old son, a railway labourer. Isabella Grieve, aged 71, also the widow of an agricultural labourer, lived with two unmarried sons employed as platelayer and agricultural labourer.It seems fairly clear that the recipients of poor relief were the old and the fatherless. This is borne out by examination of parish poor accounts in conjunction with the relevant manuscript census books. In January 1841 the poors# accounts of M d Calder parish listed eleven persons as in receipt of regular relief. Of these it proved possible to identify eight in the 1841 manuscript census books. All except one, a 45 year old widow, were over 60; five were over 70 and the oldest was The Uphallpoors’ accounts exhibit a similar pattern. In April 1641the roll consisted of nineteen paupers of whom eleven were identified in the manuscript census books. Only two were, in 1841, aged under 60. George Campbell was enumerated as a ’fiddler*. John Ritchie was an agricultural labourer with a wife and three children. The rest wereaged from 60 to 87; six were over 70.Not all aged persons were paupers. As indicated earlier many lived with relatives and in the absence of evidence to the contrary from the poors’ accounts, must beassumed to have been supported by these relatives. Inaddition the manuscript census books indicate that many men(99) Census of Scotland, 1851, Kirknevrbon Parish, District1, Schedule 73; District 3, Schedules 26, §1, 95 and95.(100) SRO, Mid Calder Parish Poors’ Accounts, 1841, CH2/266/15.(101) SRO, Uphall Parish Poors’ Accounts, 1841, CH2/562/13-Census of Scotland, 1841, Uphall Parish.34and women followed an occupation to a fairly advanced age. Hugh Drummond in 1831 is enumerated as a ’hawker of stoneware’ at the age of 77. Alexander Thomson, aged 74, was a cowfeeder. Janet Meikle aged 71 was listed as a travelling pedlar. In Mid Calder parish, Thomas Armstrong, aged 67 and Robert Thomson, aged 78 were enumerated as weavers.This may well have been the result of a reluctance to seek help from the parish authorities. There might also have been some difficulty in persuading the parochial board of the need for assistance. A parish minister, as moderator of the Kirk Session, must have had some influence in these matters and the recorded opinions of the local clergy in the New Statistical Account are not such as to convince one that assistance would have been readily available . The case of Ann Heggie may not be typical but does indicate that Kirk Sessions were scrupulous in their care of the public purse. On the 23th February 1840 the West Calder Session clerk was instructed to request her appearance before the Session ’to be examined for the purpose of obtaining a certificate for the Poors’ Roll’.^ ^^ ^^ On the 9th of March she stated that she was 70 and had resided in the parish for 23 years. She was unable to work and had no possessions beyond a few articles of old furniture. In examination it was revealed that she had received assistance some twenty years previously, but had repaid(102) SRO, West Calder Kirk Session Minutes, 25 February 1840, CH2/366/6.35the money on request by the Session Clerk. Her case was remitted for consideration by the Heritors of the parish.On the 5th November 1840 she was granted interim relief of two shillings (ten pence) per month. Her case was finally considered by the heritors in February 1841. It is not difficult to imagine that many people faced by such a proceeding might have found it preferable to struggle on by their own resources.The clergy were, however, satisfied that the poor of the area were well cared for* The Uphall minister remarked that ’Particular attention is paid to the support “ and comfort of the poor.’^ ^^ ^^ Examination of the Poors’ Accounts for the parishes of Uphall and Mid Calder indicates that this assumption might have had some basis in fact. In both parishes the cash allowance was sirpplemented by the provision of coals. This was also the practice in Bathgate and West Calder and does not seem to have been limited to recipients of cash assistance. Ann Heggie, referred to earlier, received two carts of coals before her admission to the Poors’ Roll. In Kirkliston parish in 1842 coal was distributed to seventy families in a year when the Poors’ Roll contained only 51 names. In Mid Calder parish it was also the practice to pay the rent of a pauper’s house direct to the landlord.In these parishes some relief was afforded to casual indigenous poor and the travelling poor. The M d Calder(105) NSA Vol. 2, p. 89.36Poors’ Accoimts of 1844 show that a poor Irishwoman was forwarded to the infirmary at a cost of five shillings (25 pence); one shilling was paid to three American sailors described as ’in great ivant’; two shillings was paid to Julian Drummond for lodgings and food for a poor man and his sick wife. In January 1842 a collection of £18 was made for the relief of the destitute Paisley weavers. In Uphall parish Michael Foley was paidthirteen shillings (65 pence) for the lodging of a woman, ’confined in his house’; Alex Scott received five shillings (25 pence) for conveying a lame woman to Bathgate.In addition to parish expenditure on the relief of poverty there was also a considerable amount of ’self help’ on the part of the working population. There were many Friendly and Benefit Societies. These were mostly in the industrial towns of Bathgate and Linlithgow and were associated with the various trades carried on there. Theseven Bathgate societies existed with the object of supporting the members in sickness and old age and of providing grants towards funeral e x p e n s e s . T h e Bathgate minister displayed that peculiar dichotomy in the middle-class attitude to the poor observed by Joseph Arch, the founder of the Agricultural Workers’ U n i o n . H e considered that the societies were ’of vast benefit to the(104) SRO, Mid Calder Parish Poors’ Accounts, February/I'^ rch, 1844 and 2 January 1842, CH2/266/15.(105) SRO, Uphall Parish Poors’ Accounts, April 1841, CH2/362/13.(106) NSA Vol. 2, p. 166.(107) Orwin and Whetham, on. cit., p. 88.37members, and though it may well be doubted whether they promote industry, they help to cherish among them a spirit of independence. * A more cordial welcome was givento the Savings’ Bank established at Bathgate in 1827. In 1842 this liad a balance of £629.10s, and its clients were mainly servants, weavers, mechanics etc.^^^^^There were nine societies in Linlithgow, Blackburn,where there was a cotton spinning mill, supported onesociety with a membership of t h i r t y . A l t h o u g h not sonumerous as in the towns, such societies were not unlmomin the agricultural areas . Kirlme%fton had two sickness(111 )benefit societies and two providing funeral benefit. ^ ^Mid Calder had one society with 160 members dravn from v several parishes. Sickness benefit of six shillings per week was paid as well as funeral grants of five guineas (£5.23), It was in a ’flourishing condition, «(^ ^^) The Kirkliston society paid sickness and old age benefits in addition to funeral grants. There was also an allowance to widows,Of the less obviously economic facets of life the schools were most important. The area appears to have shared the circumstances which rendered the ’Scottish farmworkers ’far in advance of the English in education’. Each parish had its school under the control of the Kirk(108) NSA Vol. 2, p. 166.(109) Ibid.(110) Ibid.. Vol. 2, p. 120.(111) Ibid.. Vol. 1, p. 450.(112) Ibid.. p. 379.(113) Ibid.. Vol. 1, p. 147.(114) Orwin and %etham. op.cit,, p.9iN38Session. These operated at two levels. For a basic fee the children were Instructed in the ’three Rs’. Latin and other languages were offered on payment of an additional fee. There were female schools which provided ’instruction . . .in the branches peculiar to their sex.’^ ^^^^ Apart from the parish institutions there were in some parishes private and endowed schools. The largest and best known was the Bathgate Academy where, in 1842, 537 pupils were taught by four masters.^^^^^A definite assessment of the standards achieved by these schools is inpossible. In many cases the schoolmaster had charge of as many as 100 pupils of all ages.Even in what must have ranked as the best school in the area, Bathgate Academy, four masters shared the instruction of more than 500 children. There is, however, some evidence that the schools produced a literate labouring population. In the course of lengthy consultation of the local birth and marriage registers, illiteracy indicated by a signature by mark was found in only a few cases. Instruments of Dissolution of three of the older Friendly Societies are available. These contain the signatures of more than 180 individuals and in only ten instances was a mark made.^^^?) pt is probable that many of the signatures were of men who had attended parish schools before the Education Act of 1872. The Estate papers of the(115) BgA Vol. 1, p. 449.(116) Ibid.. Vol. 2, pp. 164/6.(117) SRO Kirkliston Friendly Society, FS4/1073* ,United Kirknevrbon Friendly Society, FS4/1041 M d Calder Lodge Friendly Society, FS4/1084.39family of Hare of Calderhall (East Calder) contain a numberof letters requesting permission to use a path through theCalderhall grounds. Several of these were written in the(118^1850s and 1860s by labourers at Redcraig tile works.There is no evidence that post school intellectualactivity was at all widespread. The New StatisticalAccount makes mention of several village libraries. Thelibrary at Bathgate was associated with the Academy. Itcomprised 700 volumes v;hich were ’chiefly suited to youth.There was also a subscription library of 280 volumes. InLinlithgow there ivas a library gifted to the town byDr. Henry, a historian. It was reported to be in ’disuseand d i s r e p a i r . T h e r e was a subscription libraryassociated with the first United Secession Cliurch andanother at Linlithgow Bridge. Linlithgow also had a news(121)room and a society for the purchase of periodicals. ^In Mid Calder there was a circulating library ’consistingof a few obscure witers in divinity and some old magazinesand novels. Mid Calder, however, enjoyed the(123)services of the only bookseller in the district.'Livingston had a parish library of 300 volumes supported by subscription and 'much prized by the population.«(1^4)(118) SRO, Hare of Calderhall and Handaxwood, GD 256,Bundle 85.(119) NSA Vol. 2, p. 166.(120) Ibid.. p. 185.(121) Ibid.(122) Ibid.. Vol. 1, p. 379.(123) Census of Scotland, 1841, Mid Calder Parish, Schedule 5, p. 3.(124) NSA Vol. 2, p. 119.40There were no locally published nevrpapers. The Edinburgh Scotsman and Courant circulated in the district as did the weekly Falkirk Herald and the Airdrie Advertiser On the eve of the development of the new industry, the Almond valley was a microcosm of small-scale industrialisation in response to the demands for coal, iron ore and lime of the heavy industries of west-central Scotland.The expansion of handloom weaving also resulted from the development of these heavy industries as competition for labour in the Lanarkshire towns forced the merchants to look eastward to the less developed areas of West and Mid Lothian. Agricultural modernisation in response to the demands of urban markets was also a feature.llie intrusion into such an economy of a large complex industry with a workforce of 10,000 men obviously had tremendous impact on the economic and social development of the area, and this forms the subject of Parts II and III. First it is necessary to consider the development of the industry itself.41PART ONE SHALE OIL PRODUCTION AS AN INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENTThe origins and early growth of the Scottish Oil Industry have been well described by Professor John Butt in ’Scottish Oil Mania’, ’James Young, Scottish Hiilanthro- pist and Industrialist*,and ’Technical Change and the Growth of the British Shale-Oil Industry (1680-1870)’#art from two short sketches by H.R.J. Conacher of Scottish Oils Ltd.,^^^ little else has been written on the history of the industry. In dealing with the industry in the period up to 1870, the present chapter will draw to some extent on the work of Professor Butt. It will also cover certain aspects of that period not fully dealt with by him and will extend consideration of developments to the opening of the First World War.The history of the industry falls into three sections. The first occupies the period from the establishment of Young’s works at Bathgate in 1851, until the middle years(1) John Butt, ’The Scottish Oil Mania, 1864-66*, Scottish Journal of Political ^onoiav ^Vol. 12 (1965), pp. 193- 209. Hereinafter referred to as ’Mania’.(2) John Butt, James Young, Scottish PMlanthropist and Industrialist. (unnubxished Ph.D. Ijhesis. Ülaskow " " University, 1964). Hereinafter referred to as ’Thesis’.(3) John Butt, ’Technical Change and the Growth of the British Shale-Oil Industry (1680-1870) ’, Economic Histo^ Review. 2nd. Series, Vol. XVII (155555577 pp. 511-21. Hereinafter referred to as ’Technical Changce*.(4) H.R.J. Conacher, ’History of the Scottish Shale-Oil Industry’, The Oil Shales of the Lothians. Memoirs ofJames Young’, Oil Shales €nd_Cannel Coal, the jEVoceed- ■ :s of a Conference of the ïnstitute of Petroleum.42of the 1870s when adverse economic conditions made untenable the position in the industry of the small entrepreneur.The second phase lasted from then until about 1895. It was characterised by the entry into the industry of a number of limited companies bringing with them a substantial capital investment. Expansion continued in the third phase, taking the form of exploitation of fresh shale fields by existing concerns rather than the creation of new enterprises.In this part it is proposed to deal first with the development of the industry up to 1877- A brief description of the industry and the methods and equipment enployed in that period will be given. With regard to the period from 1877 to 1914 several aspects of the industry’s history will be considered separately. These include the growth of Idle industry, the relationship between technological and business enterprise and trading conditions, and capital inveslment and profitability. The final section is devoted to an examination of the industry in relation to the debate on the causes of the decline, relative to other countries, of British industrial performance in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries* This concentrates on the period 1877 to 1914 when the industry vms largely in the hands of the directors and managers of limited conpanies.43CHAPTER I ESTABLISHMENT AND EARLY DEVELOPMENTi) THE SHALE-OIL INDUSTRY IN THE ’MID-VICTORIAN BOOM’The industry owed its inception to James Young, a Scottish chemist# In 1848, at the instigation of Professor Lyon Playfair, Young, in partnership with Edward Meldrum, a fellow chemist, commenced the production of lubricating oils from a seepage of crude oil found in a coal mine at Alfreton in Derbyshire. This source of raw material was soon exhausted# Because of its association with a coal seam. Young was convinced that crude oil could be derived from the mineral. He experimented with the distillation of the various coals used at the Manchester works of his enployers, Charles Tennant and Conpany. In January 1850, through the agency of a fèiend, Hugh Bartholomew, the manager of a Glasgow gas works. Young obtained a sample of cannel coal from Boghead, near Bathgate. This he found to be eminently suitable for oil production and before the end of 1850 a new works was under construction at Bathgate for the firm of E.W, Binney & Co. This was composed of Young, Meldrum and Edward Binney, a Manchester lawyer who had assisted in the establishment of the Alfreton enterprise, and who had, directly and indirectly, provided much of the capital for the new works.(5) Butt, Thesis# pp. 90-9144In the first ten years of its existence the firm enjoyed a virtual monopoly of the oil trade largely because of rigorous enforcement of Young’s carefully drawn patent specification. The Bathgate works cost £3,000^^^ and consisted of six benches, each of five retorts together with the necessary condensing and refining p l a n t . T h i s would have had a capacity of about 2,300 tons of cannel coal per year and a production of some 200,000 gallons of oil. The works was red;esigned and extended in 1839: further expansion took place in I860.Between 1831 and 1864 production rose to more than one million gallons per year, reaching a peak of two million gallons in 1862.^^^ The scale of expansion is reflected in changes in the rateable value of the works. In 1853, the first valuation under the Valuation (Scotland) Act of 1854jV^ as £160* In 1861 the figure was £891 and in 1864, £2,012, an increase of more than 1,200 per c e n t . T h e firm’s profits averaged £3,000 per year from 1831 to 1856 and £57,000 from 1851 to 1864.(1°)A further measure of the industry’s growth is the size, at various times,of its labour force. In their Fourth Report the River Pollution Commissioners stated that in 1871 the Bathgate works employed 500 men.^^^ ^ In 1872(6) Ibid.. p. 104.(7) Ibid.. p. 99.(§) Ibid., pp. 108, 142 and 144-5.(9) SRO Valuation Rolls, County of West Lothian, Parish of Bathgate, 1855-6, 1861-2, 1864-5, VR 122/1, 5 and 8.(10) Butt, Thesis, p. 276.(11) Fourth Report of the River Pollution Commissioners, 1871, Parliamentary Papers (PP), 1872, Vol. XXXIV, p. 289.45another estimate gave a figure of These figuresare for the works as it was after the expansion of the mid 1860s. Less positive indications are available as to the size of the work force prior to 1865. The population of Bathgate parish rose from 3,927 in 1841 to 10,134 in 1861 and it is tenpting to attribute the whole of this considerable increase to the effects of the oil industry.In fact a large part of it was due to the extension into the parish, from Lanarkshire, of coal and iron mining, as mineral resources there became insufficient to support the expanding iron and steel industries* For instance, in the western part of Bathgate parish, the village of Armadale grew from nothing to a population of 2,504 in 1861 because of the influx of miners. However ihe Enumerators’ -books for the 1861 census can be used to establish a minimum figure for the work force of the new industry in that year.The books for the parishes of Bathgate, Livingston and IVhitbum identify 161 men and boys as employed at the Bathgate works. In most instances they are described as ’chemical works labourer’. It is possible, indeed probable , that many of the skilled tradesmen listed were also enployed at the works. There is some evidence to indicate that about one fifth of the men were craftsmen of one kind or another, suggesting a total work force of(12) Butt, Thesis, p. 351.(13) David Bremner, Industries of Scotland (Edinburgh,1869) pp. 490-9). ' Brenmer stat^ Imat considerablenumbers of skilled men were employed at the oil works. Examination of the Manuscript Census Boolis for the Parish of Kirknewton reveals that, in 1871, there were 32 skilled tradesmen in a work force of 220 at Oakbank oil works.46around 200 It seems reasonable to suppose thata similar number of men were employed by Russell andcompany in mining the cannel coal,^^^) and that the newindustry in 1861 gave enployment to some 400 men.At the next census in 1871, the number of men directly(l6)employed in the industry had risen to over 3,000.'This includes the miners who were now directly employed by the oil concerns. A significant expansion is indicated, and is confirmed by the available production statistics.In 1871 the firms in the Almond valley used over 600,000tons of shale to produce 11 million gallons of oil.( 17 )Cannel coal also made a small contribution.' ' ^ This expansion took several forms. The founding firm,E.W. Binney and Company, by capable management and the energetic promotion of new products, had in the early 1860s secured a dominant position in the British oil market, supplying almost one quarter of the London market for burning oil.^^^^ The firm had the advantage of a risÈng market. Industrial gro^ vth and the development of railways and steam navigation provided outlets for lubricating oils while the lighter fractions found uses(14) 200 is a minimum estimate. A later chapter on Migration outlines the criteria used in identification of shale miners and oil workers, and indicates that their application had the effect of under-estimating numbers, particularly of labourers.(15) In 1871, 3,227 men were identified as employed in the industry. Of these, 1,276, or 39 per cent, were miners. A further 113 were listed as Brushers, Roadsmen etc. Census of Scotland 1871, Manuscript Enumerators * Books for the Almond Valley Parishes.(16) See Chapter 8, p. 262.(17) Fourth Report of the River Pollution Commissioners, 1871, PP, 1872, Vol. XXXIV, pp. 258, 287.(18) Butt, Thesis. p . 340.47in the growing rubber and paint industries. Burning oil was used for domestic lighting and this was encouraged by the development and sale of suitable lamps. In 1859 a contract with the Edinburgh and Glasgow Railway Company was entered into for the supply of burning oil for the railway signalling system.There were difficulties in meeting this demand. A major cause for concern was the supply of the basic raw material. Cannel coal had risen steadily in price from thirteen shillings and sixpence (£0.675) per ton in 1851 to twenty-six shillings (£1.30) in 1861. It was indemand for gas manufacture and an export market existed for oil production overseas. ® The material was alsobecoming scarce. It was a geological rarity, occurring only at Bathgate. The seam was barely 2,500 acres in extent and in places was no more than a few inches thick.To some extent the increased raw material cost was balanced by increased efficiency in production. In 1864 the yield per ton was twice that in 1851. Over the same period the price had risen by 122 per cent. Nevertheless it was apparent that the raw material supply had become a considerable problem.(19) Ibid.. p. 151.(20) H.R.J. Conacher, ’History of the Scottish Shale-Oil Industry•, Oil Shales of the Lothians. Memoirs of the Geological ^rvev. Scotland. 3i^. Édition. (Edinburgh.p. 244. (Sere juaafter ref err ed to as Conacher,Geological Survey.)(21) Wray Vamplew, Salves en of Leith. (Edinburgh, 1975), contains a full account of the exportation of cannel coal to Norv/ay for use in the Mandai works of the Salvesens’ Paraffin Oil Company.(22) Butt, Thesis. p. 117.48There was some disagreement among the partners as to the correct policy in such circumstances. Edward Meldrum, who was responsible for the management of the works, was of.the opinion that supplies of cannel coal at reasonable prices could be guaranteed by entering into partnership with Russell & Co., the firm which had supplied the raw material since 1851. Alternatively he felt that a policy of co-operation with the local exploiters of oil-shales could be the answer. The dominant partner, James Young, had for some time been exploring the possibility of oil- shale as an alternative to cannel coal, and had in fact leased mineral rights near West Calder, some four miles from Bathgate. This activity exacerbated the disagreement among the partners. Meldrum formed the opinion that Young intended to act independently of the partnership to its detriment. Binney, the third partner stood somewhat aloof from this and at the eventual dissolution of the firm was apparently content to leave the oil trade.The partnership was dissolved in 1864. Young bought the Bathgate works for £32,000.(^ 5) He immediately entered into a programme of expansion which included the exploitation of oil-shales at Addiewell, near West Calder.(23) Ibid.. p. 129 et. seq.(24) Ibid.. p. 281 refers to a possible connection between Binney and the firm of R. Carrick and Amott, which distilled oil from parrot coal at Methil. However the notice of sequestration of the firm makes no mention of Binney as a partner. Edinburgh Gazette. 14.3.1871.(25) Butt, Thesis, p. 281.49By 1866 he had built a considerable works there, and hadopened shale mines to supply this and the Bathgate works.The two locations had 500 retorts processing 59,764 tonsof shale and 8,857 tons of cannel coal to produce 3,174,791gallons of crude oil in 1866.(^ 6) The refining capacityconsisted of 70 stills each of 700 gallons. In 1871 thetwo plants dealt with 370,000 tons of shale producing some(27)four and one-half million gallons of finished oils.'This represents an increase of over two hundred per cent on the highest annual production of the previous partnership. Also in 1862 E.¥. Binney & Co. occupied a monopoly position in the Lothians oil industry. In 1871 the much larger output of the successor concern constituted only 56 per cent of the industry’s production. A significantelement of competition is indicated.This can conveniently be divided into two groups.The first was made up of enterprises resulting from the dissolution of E.W. Binney & Co. Edward Meldrum, Young’s former partner, joined with a local coalmaster to lease shale fields at Boghall near Bathgate. A works was in operation in 1868. Together with Peter McLagen, a local landowner, Meldrum and Simpson operated mines and(26) Ibid.. pp. 292 and 334.(27) Fourth Report of the River Pollution Commissioners,PP 1872, Vol. XXXIV, p. 43.(28) Peter McLagen, a local landowner, had operated shale mines at Pumpherston from 1863* He was later M.P. for West Lothian. George Simpson was a coal master with extensive interests in Lanarkshire and West Lothian. His connection with the Shale-Oi^ Industry is explored in some detail later in this50works at Pumpherston and Uphall. In 1871 their activitieswere consolidated as the Uphall IhLneral Oil Company Ltd.In 1871 66,000 tons of shale were distilled to produce twomillion gallons of oil.(^^)The oil works at Oakbank, near M d Calder, also hadstrong links with E.W. Binney & Co. It was establishedin 1863/4 by a partnership consisting of Sir James YoungSimpson, the discoverer of the anaesthetic properties ofchloroform, S.B. Hare, the mineral landlord, and WilliamMcKinlay, who had been manager of Russell & Co.’s cannelcoal operations at Boghead. Incorporated as the M dCalder Mineral Oil Company Ltd. in 1866, the firm ceasedtrading in 1868. In 1869 the works were acquired byRobert Fraser, a Glasgow merchant, v/ho formed the OakbankOil Company Ltd. The linlc with the Bathgate works wasmaintained through John Gellatly who had been Young’schief assistant c h e m i s t . I n 1871, 350 men wereenployed in mining and distilling 45,000 tons of shale to(31)produce one million gallons of oil.'^The high profit margins of the early 1860s were tempting to outsiders. It has been estimated that, in 1864, one ton of Boghead cannel coal produced a profit of £11.18.2 (£11.91).(52) Shale was not, of course, so rich in oil as cannel coal, but even with a yield as low as 20 gallons per ton a profit of almost two pounds per ton was(29) Fourth Report of River Pollution Commissioners, PP 1872, Vol. XXXIV, pp. 256-7.(30) Vamplew, on. cit.. p. 59. Gellatly liad also served as chief chemist to the Norwegian oil works at Mandai.(31) Fourth Report of River Pollution Commissioners, PP 1872, Vol. XXXIV, p. 43.(32) Butt, Thesis, p. 147.51obtained in 1864. In fact many of the shales in use in the early 1850s were much richer, often giving up to 40 gallons per ton. Some of the newcomers were content to wait until 1864, v/hen the expiry of Young’s patent made possible entry to the highly profitable cannel coal branch of the industry. Others were interested in the exploitation of oil shales, the distillation of which not covered by Young’s patent, so far as the production of crude oil was concerned. The patent did, however, include the refining process and to some extent the growth of a shale oil industry was inhibited until its expiry in 1864. A few works were built in the early 1860s but the major expansion occurred after 1864. Table 1.1 shows the number of oil works in operation in the Almond valley in each of the years from 1861 to 1876.TABLE 1.1: Oil Works in the Almond Valley, 1861-76Year Number of Oil Works in Operation1861 11862 21863 91864 111865 201866 271867 281868 301869 271870 291871 251872 251875 261874 181875 141876 8Source; SRO, Valuation Rolls for the Counties of MidLothian, West Lothian and Lanark, 1861 to 1876*52A total of 43 works were built and 44 different firms or individuals were concerned in their operation. Despite the interest in, and the highly profitable nature of cannel coal oil production, only two new ventures into that branch of the industry were made after 1864. The expansion Occurred almost entirely in the shale fields.The Lothians oil shales were first exploited in the vicinity of Broxburn in West Lothian. In 1839 Robert Bell, a Wishaw coal and iron master, acquired mineral leases from the Earl of Buchan in a continuation eastwards of that exploitation of coal and blackband ironstone which was central to the economic prosperity of the west-central region of Scotland. Bell’s search for coal and ironstone was not particularly successful. The local ’Houston’ coal, so called because of its first being mined on the estate of Houston at Uphall, was difficult to mine because of geological conditions. However, in the course of his operations, Bell discovered the existence of seams of oil- shale. He secured a lease and in 1862 set up, at Stewartfield, near Broxburn, a small works for the production of crude o i l . (53)At the same time Bell mined shale for sale to other oil manufacturers. The first limited company in theindustry, the Broxburn Shale and Oil Company Ltd. was incorporated in 1862. The Memorandum of Association refers to the purchase or othenfise acquiring of shale and(33) SRO Valuation Rolls, County of West Lothian, Parish of Uphall, VR 122/6.53an agreement with Bell is mentioned .(54) gg^ e Memorandum of Association of the Glasgow Oil Company Ltd%, incorporated in 1866, also refers to the purchase of shale from Bell.(55) While other firms, notably Young’s ParaffinLight and Mineral Oil Company Ltd., were pursuing a policy of vertical integration of mines, crude oil production and refining under one ownership, Bell continued to mine shale for sale to other producers as late as 1877.(5^^ As a result of this the industry in the Broxburn area took the form of a number of small crude oil producers all buying shale from Bell. There was a small refinery operated at first by Thomas Hutchison and later by Bell himself.Apart from Bell’s mines and works, the largest operation in the area was the Glasgow Oil Company Ltd., shares in which were held by Bell and by some of the smaller producers in the area.(5?) Only at Drumshoreland was there scope in the Broxburn area for oil manufacture conpletely independent of Bell’s influence. William Fraser(5^) and John Vallance carried on small mining and(34) SRO Memorandum of Association, Broxburn Shale and Oil Co. Ltd. BT2/102/1.(35) SRO Memorandum of Association, Glasgow Oil Co. Ltd. BT2/247/1.(36) Registrar of Companies, Edinburgh, Memorandum of Association and Agreement regarding transfer of mineral leases from Robert Bell to the Company, Broxburn Oil Co. Ltd., File 792/1 and 3. These documents refer to agreements entered into by Bellto supply shale to Young’s Company and to the Oakbank Company in 1877.(37) SRO Memorandum of Association, Glasgow Oil Co. Ltd. BT2/247/1.(38) SRO Valuation Rolls, County of West Lothian, Uphall Parish, VR 122/10. William Fraser was a Broxburn bone-meal manufacturer, and should not be confused with the William Fraser who was later the prime mover in the formation of the Pumpherston Oil Co. Ltd.54retortiïig operations under leases from the Earl of Buchan.In the area around Uphall and Pumpherston the largest unit was, of course, the works of Meldrum, Simpson and McLagen (later the Uphall Mineral Oil Company Ltd*)*Around it, at Uphall Station, in the years after 1865, a number of smaller concerns set up business.In the West Calder area also, development began before the expiry of Young^s patent. Two works commenced in I863. At Leavenseat, in the western part of 'West Calder parish, there was a thin seam of shale associated with the limestone which had been worked there for many years. This was rich in oil and as it was worked in conjunction with the limestone, it was cheaply mined.The seam was exploited until the late 1880s by a succession of small firms often leasing the oil works independently of the lime works. Also in 1863 a works was established at Gavieside, to the east of West Calder, near what is now the village of Polbeth, This was set up by Fell, Russell and Company and later passed into the oraership of the West Calder Oil Company which became a limited company in 1872. The works were extensive but were never on quite the same scale as the nearby Addiewell Works of Young’s Paraffin Light and Mineral Oil Company Ltd. The company leased shale fields at Gavieside and at Cobbinshaw, some miles away to the south. In 1871 the annual value of the works was £935 and the company owned 123 workmen’s houses.(39) SRO Valuation Rolls, County of Midlothian, West Calder Parish VR 108/16.55After 1864 a number of smaller concerns were set up in the neighbourhood of West Calder,In the first stage, therefore^the industry consisted of one large concern, a small number of smaller but still substantial operations and a considerable number of very small firms. A full list of the various works, together with their operators is given in Table 1 of the Appendix to this Part. The total annual value of the smaller firms was, in 1870, £3,425 or 29 per cent of the total for the whole industry. Also in 1870, the Report of the Commissioners on River Pollution indicates tliat three firms (Young’s, Uphall and Oakbank Companies) used 60 per cent of the Scottish shale production, It is clearthat the smaller companies constituted only a small part of the productive capacity of the industry. Even at this early stage the larger companies made up more than half and possibly as much as two thirds of the industry.In the period up to 1876 there were 44 different enterprises (individuals, partnerships or limited companies) Of these only five survived into 1877 and one in fact succumbed in that year. It is clear, therefore, that the industry experienced at this time either economic difficulty or substantial reorganisation. Under the protection of Young’s patent the original firm of E.W. Binney & Co. prospered exceedingly. In connection with the flotation of Young’s Paraffin Light and Mineral Oil Coxjpany Ltd. in(40) Fourth Report of River Pollution Commissioners, PP 1872, Vol. XXXIV, pp. 256-260.561866, it was stated, that the average profit of the Bathgate works in the three years up to December 1864, had been £57,000. In addition the network of distribution stations set up by Young had shown a profit of £12,000 in the year ended April 1 8 6 5 . As is shov/n in Table 1 the period from 1863 to 1866 saw the number of works rise from two to 27. The events of these years have been aptly described as the ’Scottish Oil Itoiia’ .^ ^^ ^ The boom ended in 1866. The cause was partly the collapse of prices due to domestic over-production, but product prices were also adversely affected by an increase in imports of oil from America. Between 1864 and 1866 these rose from 109,598 barrels of crude oil to 128,364, and from 88,137 barrels of illuminating oil to 230,853 barrels. In 1867 imports of crude oil fell to 35,142 barrels but those of illuminating oil rose to 428,917 b a r r e l s . T h e available evidence suggests that economic difficulties were the cause of the contraction.In its early stages, the American industry suffered the same difficulties in disposing of the lighter fractions as had been experienced by Young and his partners in the 1850s. Young’s success in utilising them as illuminating and burning oils and the consequent expansion of the market had, to a large extent, been responsible for that extreme profitability which had in(41) Butt, Thesis. p. 276.(42) Butt, Mania.(43) Butt, Thesis, pp. 329-30.57turn initiated the ’Mania’ of 1864 to 1866. The costings for the Bathgate works show that in 1864 a profit of 18/2 (£0.91) per ton of cannel coal was possible on sales of lubricating oil alone. Burning oils added £10 to this.^^^provided the incentive for American producers to ship their embarrassing surplus of lighter oils to Britain and Europe. In 1866 the price of burning oil fell to 1/8 (£0.083) per gallon compared with between 2/6 (£0.123 and 3/6 (£0,175) at the expiry of Young’s p a t e n t . Y o u n g ’s share of the London market for burning oil fell from 24.68 per cent in 1865 to 10.62 per cent in 1866.The industry was also badly affected by the general financial crisis of 1866 v/bich produced a ’sharp restriction of credit sufficient to destroy many of the undercapitalised férms in the Scottish Shale-Oil industry.In 1868 American imports fell back to 202,655 barrels of illuminating oil and 60,529 of crude o i l . T h i s sharp fall may have been due, in part at least, to the campaign mounted by U.K. manufacturers of burning oil on the question of the safety of imported oils. This resulted in a new Petroleum Act in 1868, but its main achievement was the publicity given to instances of the unsafe nature of American burning oils. Contributory(44) Ibid.. p. 147.(45) Ibid.. p. 340; Conacher, Geological Survey, p. 249(46) Butt, Thesis. p. 340.(47) Ibid.. p. 328.(48) Butt, Thesis. pp. 329-30.58factors to the fall in imports were inprovements in refining techniques and a growing American domestic market as the United States expanded to the west after the Civil War. These rendered it less necessary for American producers to seek outlets in Europe.In any event there was a recovery in the late 1860s. The established firms again found themselves in a profit- making situation. George T. Bielby, who joined the Oakbanlc Oil Company as a chemist in 1869, later recalled that, at that time, it was possible to make a profit of 9/4 (£0.46) in retorting one ton of shale and in refining the resulting crude oil.^^^^ Although much lower than the profit margins current in the time of Young’s patent, this, on a turnover of 45,000 tons annually,meant to the Oakbank Company a gross profit in excess of £20,000, a very fair return for a company with called up capital of only 212,000.(51)There was a modest amount of new investment.Scrutiny of the Valuation Rolls for the years from 1867 to 1870 reveals that works were established at Drumcross, near Bathgate ; at Almondhill, Kirkliston; at Blackburn; and that there were several new ventures near West Calder.(49) George T. Beilby, ’Thirty Years of Progress in the Shale-Oil Industry’, Journal of the Society.of Chemical Industry. Vol. A l p. Ô82.(50) Fourth Report of River Pollution Commissioners, PP 1872, Vol. XXXIV, p. 43.(51) SRO Oakbank Oil Co. Ltd. Summary of Capital and Shares, 1869, BT2/303/4.59In the mid 1870s the situation again worsened and in 1875 the price of burning oil had fallen to ten pence (£0.042) per gallon. Imports of American oil rose from 10,435,800 gallons in 1873 to 29,460,718 in 1878.(52)This naturally led to closures in the native industry and in 1876 only eight works remained in operation in the Lothians, One of these, the Broxburn Hall Farm Works of James Liddel and Company stopped in 1877* The declining fortunes of the industry are well illustrated by the shale production statistics. In 1871, 51 works in Scotland used 800,000 tons of s h a l e . T h i s level of production was not to be again achieved until 1881. In1872 , 73 and 74, shale production of 267,814; 439,615 and277,210 tons respectively is recorded^^^^ for the Lothians. In the West of Scotland the corresponding figures were for1873 , 84,480 tons and for 1874, 84,700 tons.^^^^ The industry in the west seemed more able to cope with the depression. This may well have been due to the fact that in areas outside the Lothians, oil production was frequently an ancillary activity to another industrial process* In Lanarkshire seams of oil shale were found in association(52) Conacher, Geological Survey, p. 248.(53) D.R. Stevmrt, Chemistry of the Oil Shales, Oil ^lales of the Lothians. Memoirs of the Geological Survey. Scotland Ï Glasgow. 19061. o . 136 . '(54) Annual Reports of Inspectors of Mines; 1872, PP 1873, XIX, p. 436; 1873, PP 1874, XIII, p. 456; 1874, PP1875, XVI, p. 64È.(55) Ibid., 1873, BP 1874, XIII p. 521; 1874, PP 1875,XVI, p. 684.60with coal and were worked for oil production by coal and iron masters. For instance, the Auchenheath works at Lesmahagow was operated by the Bairds of Gartsherrie.Notwithstanding the depressed conditions at the end of the ’Mid-Victorian Boom’, the oil industry entered its next phase with as much as three quarters of its productive capacity intact. As indicated earlier, the numerous small firms which had given up in the period up to 1877 constituted only a small part of the industry. From 1877 to 1914 the history of the industry is that of a number of relatively large limited companies fighting for survival against often intense foreign competition. Before dealing with thi.s and the methods adopted by the successful companies, it is possibly appropriate to give a brief description of the industry and its methods and equipment as it existed in 1876, i.e. after 25 relatively successful years.ii) m s imUSTRY A m ITS METHODSIt is fortunate that the management of the industry included a number of members of the Society of Chemical Industry. It may also be a measure of the importance of the industry in contemporary Scotland that the Society’s Journal published at various times papers by Norman(56) Butt, Mania. p. 203.61Henderson, D.R. Steuart,^^®^ and George T. Bielby.The contribution of William Caldwell to the first Geological Survey is also of considerable value.In its early stages the industry did not involve advanced technology. The process was in Idiree stages. First, the cannel coal or shale was mined. It was then distilled in the dry state to produce crude oil, which was refined by distillation and treatment with chemicals.The refined products included burning oil, wax for candle manufacture, lubricating oil, light oils for use in the paint and rubber industries, and gas oil, so named because of its use in the enrichment of coal gas.Mining was by the normal methods of the time in extractive industries and W3s conditioned by the geology of the area in which the mineral was found. A map andsection of this are at Figures 1.1 and 1.2. The oilshales are found in the Carboniferous Limestone Series of(57) Norman Henderson’s first connection with the industry v/as as assistant to A.C. Kirk, the chief engineer at the Bathgate works of E.W. Binney and Co. In 1869 he became manager of the Oakbank Works in association with William Kennedy. In 1877 he was appointed general manager of the new Broxburn Oil Co. Ltd., and eventually became a director. 3h 1873 he designed the retort which later formed the basis of the success of the Broxburn Company, and later patented a continuous distillation process and a \irax sweating apparatus which remained in use until 1980.(58) D.R. Steuart was the chief chemist of the Broxburn Company.(59) George T. Beilby joined the Oakbank Company as a chemist in 1869. In 1877# he succeeded Norman Henderson as manager. With William Young of the Clippers Con^any, he designed the retort which was the mainstay of the industry in its middle years.As Sir George Beilby he was President of the Society of Chemical Industry.(60) William Caldwell was mining manager of the Pumpherston Company, in succession to his father, James Caldwell.62rocks which lie under the coal measures of central Scotland and are separated from them by a layer of Millstone Grit.2he Oil Shale group, v4aich occurs only in the Lothians and Fife, forms the upper part of this series. There are seven main seams, many of \diioh have been named after men involved in the industry, some of vdiom have otherv/ise been f orgotten. )(61) The main seams of shale are shown in the geological section reproduced on page 14. They are:-Raeburn Shale ; this takes its name from John Peter Raeburn, a grandson of the painter, Henry Raeburn, idio operated mines and works at Charlesfield, near Mid Calder. This shale was also knom as Damhead shale and was worked at Tarbrax and West Calder.Mj^le, or Stemrt Shale: this was a two-foot seam akin to a parrot coal. John Mungle was a West Calder banker vho was a partner in the firm of Mungle and Thornton at North Cobbinshaw. Robert Steuart was the proprietor of lands at Westwood, on which shale was mined throughout almost the entire life of the industry. This shale was mined at Westwood, Drumcross and at Broxburn.Fell’s Shale : this was the principal shale of the West Calder area, and was also mined at Tarbrax, Seafield, Hermand and Loanhead. It was first worked by A.M.Fell at Gavieside.Broxburn Shale: this was originally worked by Robert Bell at Broxburn and was later worked in most shale districts. It was of variable quality. At Oakbank this seam was known as McLean Shale.All of these seams were rich in oil, regularly producing more than 30 gallons per ton. The lower shales were poorer in oil but considerably richer in ammonia.Punnet Shale: this was first mined by Matthew Punnetax Hemand. It occurred in very thick beds and gave very variable results, according to how much of the seam was actually taken out. Used by all active concerns in the later stages of the industry.Mrraoks or Pattis on Shale: this was first worked atthe Barracks Farm, hear Seafield, by the West Lothian Company whose chairman was Robert Pattison.Pumpherston Shales: these were worked at Pumpherston,Holmes and Roman Canp. There were several seams, viz. the Jubilee, Maybrick, Punpherston Curly, Punpherston Plain and Under Shales.63The area in whioh oil shale is found extends from the Pentland Hills in the east to a line running approximately northwards from Tarbrax in Lanarkshire to the Firth of Forth, This line is marked on the ground by the eastern outcrop of the ’Hurlet’ coal and limestone which was extensively worked in the area, The seams lie within a vertical distance of about 3,000 feet. Since being laid dovm. the sedimentary strata of vhich they form a part have been subjected to major geological disturbance resulting in a great deal of faulting and folding. There are four major and innumerable minor faults, The seamsare very rarely level but lie at many angles. In theDrumshoreland basin, between Broxburn and Pumpherston, some are almost vertical. The geological peculiarities had both, favourable and unfavorable consequences for the oil industry. As is evident from the map at Figure 1,1, there were many outcrops of shale . It was often possible, therefore, to extract the shale by open-cast working or by shallow drift mines. For instance open-cast working was pzactised at Broxburn when shale was first exploited t h e r e . A s the industry expanded, larger quantities of shale were required and the disadvantages of the geological situation became apparent. The numerous faults made it difficult to gain access to large areas of shale from a single shaft. In 1873, when shale mines were first included in the Annual Reports of Inspectors of Mines, it(62) D.R. Steuaxt, ’The Manufacture of Paraffin Oil’, Journal of the Society of Chemical Industry. 1889. p T lW . ' ^ ------------------64Ih’DtXc*:Af/c£rANè^A s c â u of m h .e sI Coal ileas 'jre i.HO PETOUSCLAC.HHESI POHT. r ' y ‘-OCAR^ÿ ,r^ABEF.COP^^'iX'i'"-^ Roslm Sandstone.r Ù$, AqUEENBFERFŸ^Catboniterou* Limestone Series Limestone./ ' f h il p s t o u n;yCPAMONO'^ÙUNDAIronntone 1 Calcifirous=4 o A 5e,isi limvstonfj Series.K m w mLlNLiTHCOW’ f.K n f.E T O iV fJ Jw {CHBi'PCH-^ -.tfFIPKUSTONE D J N B U P .C H .ARTHUR’S S ÎArO 'iTORPHtNEHâWUS70H/c,% j iHCLiSTON HO,BfiOXBURHVolcanic Rock*.U PH /itAgglomerateViOXaURNCANAVolcanic Rocks U s M & T u flt.CALMAHOrEAZT.CALDHV/NCSTON ST. TORÙUFFRESR olcanlc \ent#.BiUTON:}^^.•^KNEfïTON^- L - J l^ COi/StANOZtO bonauyrssr . LOANHBAÛ truaive Basic Rooku Sills and I>ykes.'Ut^ONHfRlCCCAVIES/ÛELlSÇaAARY^*'%/>tWT-/7T“^ T F Mitro-Cranil I of Lower O.R.S. AgeTHREIPA£SRYURIEZTOH HO. liHCORS^ l>i;> r>t Strata, amount In degree»."^D ip proved In underground work.îngs.ftESTfiOOÛ HO. £RMA NO.^-'r^-r.sY/SST CALDERThick black lines show outcrops o f Cos Shales & IrotAbbreviations:I Ï .U H urle t Ijme^tone.T.L, Tartravtn LimestoneU M H .L .) CoMinshftw o r H u rle t Limes B .B.I. Black B u id Ironblone.Raeburn Shale.Upper Rftcl'uru Shale.Lower Rncbum Shale.Mungle Shale.2 Feet Coal.Houston Coal.Is Shale.Rro%l'urn Sh:^e,Punnet Shale.BurùU'houî^e Limestone Ihiinphcrstun Shale.CoaU Oil SIOchiltree Fault.M iddleton HaU Fault.Cakler Fault.Murieslon Fault.F tn tland Fault.Fault.CARR/NCTOH/’iPERRtV'!b AJIDS‘UtL / Î■pimcwMLn.R.3.Si.s.r.c.u.c.TEMPLEEC5E.P.S.BA U.S.* \ROS£B£Rr V|/f£5A*.UADSUANM.H.F./ mFigure I,Is Geological Map of the Oil Shale Fields of the Lothians.Sources Oil Shales of the Lothieuis,Memoir of the Geological Survey of SGotland(GlasgQv/nI906^65f’ECT,Rcci F-andstones.Horizon not proved.“ D .ilk c ith ” and M ussoî- b n rg h C o ald cld .Roslin Sandstone, t ’oa l.•• Lcvcii-seit " L iiuestone.Conl.s." C i i m y " o r C ; > i r U i i K s t o u e { ' W o o d n.xtr.i L i m e a t u n e . \ C o a l .•Sonth I’arriit Coal.•• I n i t s x " Liiiiestoiie." Edge Coais ” and Ironstones, Loanhead.•• n intoii r.iim ” Liraostnne. Vexbim Limestoof aaU Coal." X o r t b G r o e n : " L l m e a a i n e a Coal.Cilniertna Limestone.U a eb iin i S lin lc..Mungle S lia lc.Tw o-F eet Coal.Hou.stou Coal. ' { S hale.Fcll.s Shale *t ILlinc.stonc Kro-vbnru Shales.“ M cc D aiiisct •’ Shale. Binny Sandstone.D u n n ct Shale.M arniek's Sliale.j- Bunlie-•Id l l S h a le .Linie.stoae.Oil Shale.P u m p h erston Shales. Hailes Sandstone.Wardie Shales.Gran ton San dstone. .A.bbeyhill Shales.Arthurs Scat Volcanic Group.Ceraentstono Group, or“ Bailagan " Beds.Upper Old Red Sandstone.P6- r/3OFigure 1,2: General Vertical Section of the Carboniferous Strata of Mid and West Lothian.Source: Oil Shales of the Lothians,Memoir of the Geological Survey of _Scotiand(Glasgow,1906)66is clear that mines were far advanced from the early open- casts. At Broxburn Robert Bell worked two inclined mines with shafts 7 feet wide and 6 feet hi^ and with an ’upcast’ shaft 4 feet square and 28 feet deep. The two mines had ainvays 506 yards and 729 yards in léngth. The Oakbank mine was served by tim vertical shafts, 120 and 154 feet deep and had 600 yards of airways* At West Calder, Young’s Paraffin Light and Mineral Oil Company Ltd. had nine mines with shafts r*anging from 69 to 600 feet in depth. In seventeen mines in the Lothians and Fife in 1875, there were 977 miners, an average of 57*Tlie largest mine employed 124 men and only three enployed more than 100. The smallest had only twenty workmen.The largest concern, Young’s at West Calder^ had nine mines of which seven were at work, enploying 504 men. The size of the workforce at these various mines ranged from 21 to124.(^5)Until 1877 the normal method of working the shale was that known as ’long wall*. Only in 1876 and 1877 do we find mines operated by the ’stoop and room’ method.In 1876 Robert Bell commenced the exploitation of a six- foot seam in that The ’long wall* system wassuited to the seams worked at this time, which were, for the most part about three or four feet in thickness.(63) Inspector of Mines, East Scotland District, Annual Report, 1875, PP 1876, X7II, p. 337.(64) Inspector of Mines, East Scotland District, Annual Reports, 1873, PP 1874, XIII, pp. 680/1; 1874, PP1875, XVI, p* 681; 1875, PP 1876, XVII, p. 337;1876, PP 1877, XXIII, p. 506; 1877, PP 1878, XX, p. 306.(65) Inspector of Mines, East Scotland District, Annual Report, 1880, PP 1881, XXV, p. 189.67The ’long wall’ system is best described as one by which the shale was removed in one operation along the length of a long face. The face moved forward into the seam as the shale was taken away. A section and plan of a ’long wall’ face are at figitue 1*3. Access to the face was by roadviays, twelve or thirteen yards apart and about seven feet wide. As the face advanced the roadways were formed and protected by the construction of wooden pillars some three and a half feet square at intervals of three or four feet on each side of the roadv/ay. These were filled with any waste material from the shale.Where, as was commonly the case, the height of the roadway exceeded that of the seam, the material ’bz*ushed’ from the roof to give the increased hei^t was also used. The space between the built pillars or ’packs’ was filled in with similar material. This extended for some four feet behind the pillars into the ’cundy’ or enpty space left by the removal of the shale. As the working face moved into the seam the roof was allowed to come down to meet the pavement in this area, thus relieving the pillars and props of some of the weight of the superincumbent strata.The seam was worked by ’holing’ into the material immediately below the shale. This was done by the pick if the material was soft and by explosives if not. In the early workings at present under discussion the material was often a layer of fireclay or clod soft enou^ to be removed by hand. The clod was removed to a depth of about three feet. IVhile doing this the miner was68eu JV UY 'CVOSS - a e c 'f 'r o TVparallel to face.so A O WAYGIVSTTZE^ H L £ST.(’; a m + =—Plan of LongMûU Face.Figure 1.3: Long-Wall Working in Shale.1 J LdT tT jf> \ 1 n ^ . i. / i j. A—Method of Spragging Shale.Figure 1.4; Protection by Sprags while Holing ShaleSource; Figures 1.3 and 1,4 reproduced from W.Caldwell,Methods ofWorking the Oil Shales,Oil Shales of the Lothians,Memoir of the Geological Survey of Scotland(Glasgow.1906169protected by ’sprags’ or short lengths of prop placed at an angle to support the shale. This is illustrated in figure 1.4. When holing was completed along the length of thw working face the sprags were removed and the shale brought doim by blasting. It was then ’backened’ or thrown back to the roadhead to be filled into hutches. During these operations the roof was supported by two rows of props close to the working face (figure 1.3).As the face advanced by holing and blasting, the row furthest from the face was moved forward in a leap frog movement. Their place in supporting the roof \ms taken by the extension of the rows of pillars along the sides of the roadways.The shale was conveyed to the surface in ’hutches’ or small wagons by the haulage methods common to the extractive industries of the period. The hutches were first of all removed from the working face to the ’lye’ at the pit bottom, or, in inclined mines, at the lower end of the main ’dook’. The ’lye’ was simply a siding or sidings in the mine railways where full or empty hutches could be left to await transport to the surface or the worlcing area. This part of the haulage ivas often performed by manual labour but in some mines horses were used. The 1871 manuscripit census books list a number of youtlis and boys as pony- or horse-drivers. In West Calder one man was enumerated as a ’hostler’, indicating that a number of horses were used.^^^^ From the lye the(66) Census of Scotland, 1871, West Calder Parish,District 2, Schedule 181.70hutches were removed to the surface by -vdnding in cages up vertical shafts or were hauled on carriages or in ’rakes* up inclines. In both cases the motive power wasprovided by steam engines.The mining methods were thus highly labour-intensive. The same is true of the early processes involved in the manufacture of the crude oil and of the refined products. Writing in 1906, D.R. Steuart, a chemist who had for many years been associated with the Broxburn Oil Company, stated that in the industry’s early years shale brealcing and oil pumping were carried out by hand.^^^^ Shale was often carted long distances to the retorts, It is recorded that, when shale was first worked at Oakbank, it was removed to the retorts at Leavenseat, about eight miles away.^^^On reaching the retorts the shale had first to be broken down to a suitable size for treatment. This has often been described as about the size of a man’s fist. With larger pieces the heat could not penetrate evenly throughout the shale. Small shale on the other hand had a tendency to fuse in the retorts causing difficulty in discharging. As indicated above shale breaking was, in some instances, carried out manually. However, by the mid seventies, it is probable that the larger concerns had(67) D.R. Steuart, ’The Chemistry of the Oil Shales’, ffie Oil Shales of jWie mmo:^s of the GeploglnalGuryev. Scdtlahd.. TSlasgow. l90bJ (^euart. biological Survey j « p . 155.(68) Scotsman. 8.2.1869.71adopted mechanical methods. In fact, the original works at Bathgate employed a machine in the breaking of cannel coal.(^^) There are, however, instances of men described in the 1871 census books as ’shale breaker’ It isnot clear v/hether these men were breaking machine operators, but it is thought that, if so, they would have been enumerated as ’shale breakerman’, a term also found in the census books. An inventory taken in 1870 of the plant at Dalmeny, a relatively small works, did not include a breaking macliine. ^The shale now required to be heated to produce crude oil* Shale does not contain oil as such. It contains various compounds of hydrogen and carbon, together with some nitrogen and sulphur. These have resulted from the decomposition of vegetable matter at the time the sedimentary rocks were laid down. To obtain the crude oil the shale was heated to about 700 degrees Fahrenheit in retorts. At first modified coal gas retorts were used. These consisted of a cast-iron tube of oval, rectangular or ’D’ shaped cross-section. There was a door at one end and a pipe at the other for the removal of the vapours.The retorts were set horizontally in brick ovens heated by(69) Conacher, Geological Survey, p. 243.(70) Census of Scotland, 1871, Mid Calder Parish, District 3, Schedule 36, West Calder Parish, District 1, Schedule 51 and District 4, Schedule 38.(71) Dalmeny Estate Minerals Register, pp. 27/28 contains a valuation, dated 1870, carried out by the works manager, Mr, Anderson. It makes no mention of a shale breaking machine.72coal fires. They were normally filled with cannel coal or shale through the end door in the same way as gas retorts. Occasionally a charging hopper was fitted to the top of the retort. After charging the door was sealed or Muted* with clay and screwed up tightly. The volatile products were driven off in from 16 to 24 hours. The ’spent * shale was removed thrmugh the end door and the retort freshly charged. Such retorts were in general use early in the industry’s history and even in the 1870s they were employed by some smaller concerns The throughput was small, only six or seven hundredweights per day, and although they produced a light, easily refined crude oil with a good yield of burning oil, they were in many instances superseded by vertical retorts. These consisted of cast-iron tubes of circular or oval cross-section set vertically in brick ovens. At the top there was a charging hopper controlled by a bell valve . The bottom of the retort was set in a shallow iron tray containing water to prevent the escape of gas. The vertical retorts were continuous in operation. At intervals a small quantity of spent shale was raked out from the bottom throu^ the water ’lute’. This served to quench the shale. At the same time a corresponding amount of fresh shale introduced into the retort from the charging hopper. Tlie retort v/as thus kept full of shale. The(72) I* Redwood, A Practical Treatise on Mineral Oils and their Bv-Products. (hohdoh. T89V)« p p . 2Ü-27 lists the vaiudus Tiims in the industry. In 1873, three concerns operated 227 horizontal retorts.73gases were removed by a pipe at the top and steam was at times introduced at the bottom to assist in sweeping the gases out through the exit pipe. These retorts had a capacity o f from 25 to 50 hundredweights of shale per day and their adoption was the major significant advance in technology in the period up to 1877*On leaving the retorts the vapours passed through atmospheric condensers to produce a mixture of oil and ammonia water. This was allowed to separate in tanks, the oil rising to the top and being run off. At someworks the ammonia water was allowed to run to waste and was a considerable source of pollution in the local r i v e r s . I n works where the shale was richer in ammonia it was profitable to convert the ammonia liquor to sulphate of ammonia. The liquor was evaporated in large pans or boilers, and as it became concentrated the sulphate of ammonia crystallised out and vms removed by large perforated shovels. Sulphate of ammonia was a valuable nitrogenous fertiliser and .even in the period before 1877, was a source of considerable profit to the(73) D)id.. p. 93,(74) Fourth Report of River Pollution Commissioners, PP 1872, XXXIV contains many references to such pollution. At p. 467, Dr. Æthur Gamgee in his report dated 15*8.1865 refers to the ammonia liquor as both a source of pollution and of profit. At p. 485,Hr. W.B. Hope-Vere of Craigiehall complains of pollution originating in the Dalmeny works . This may well have been due to ammonia liquor since the inventory referred to at note 71 malœs no mention of an ammonia plant.74industry. In 1865, the cost of manufacture was said to be about five pounds per ton, while it could be sold for sixteen.After the vapours from the retorts had passed through the condensers there remained a large volume of ’permanent’ gas which could not be condensed into liquid hydrocarbons.In the early stages of the industry’s development this ims allowed to escape to the atmosphere. Often, before discharge the gases were passed upwards *ihrough a tower filled with coke to remove any residual liquid hydrocarbons . These were collected at *the bottom of the tower as crude naphthaThe crude oil was refined by distillation and by treatment with chemicals. The product of well run horizontal retorts could often be treated without prior distillation. Hie crude oil from vertical retorts required to be distilled before the chemical treatment could be carried out. The product of this first distillation was known as ’first^run’ oil. Works concentrating on crude oil production were often equipped with the necessary cast-iron pot stills. The oil %ms thentreated with acid, normally sulphuric, althougli occasionally(75) Ibid., p. 467; Bielby, op. cit.. p. 881.(76) Redwood, pp. cit.. pp. 99 and 107; Dahaeny Estate Mineral Register, pp. 27-28. The scrubbing process added 1& to 2§ gallons per ton to the yield of naphtha.(77) Redwood, op. pit.. p. 110. Different types of still were experimented with. At various times ’boiler’ stills (so-called from their shape-horizontal cylinders) and vertical cylindrical stills were used. Evenually the cast-iron pot still became standard equipment.75hydrochloric acid was used.^^#) g[he crude oil was mixed with about five or ten per cent of its volume of the acidand allowed to settle. The acid rose to the top of themixture bringing with it much of the impurities in the form of a layer of acid tar, which was removed. In someworks this acid waste was disposed of as such to theconsiderable detriment of the local streams. At abhers the mixture was utilised in the conversion of ammonia liquor to sulphate of ammonia. After the acid treatment, the crude oil was mixed with an alkali, normally caustic soda, although carbonate of soda could be used, to neutralise any traces of acid and to remove residual tarry impurities. ^various fractions constituting the saleable products were obtained by distillation in horizontal cylindrical stills of malleable iron, which, because of their shape, were knovai as boiler stills. They wereheated by coal fires or latterly by steam. At first thedistillation was concentrated on the lighter fractions*As these were distilled off, further supplies of crude oil were added to the still to maintain production of the lighter oils. Of course, after a period, heavier oils accumulated in the still and when these reached a certain level, the feed of crude oil was stopped and the heavy oil distilled off leaving only a heavy residue. This was run(78) Fourth Report of River pollution Commissioners, PP 1872, XXXIV, p, 468.(79) Ibid., pp. 467-8.76off into a pot still, similar to the crude oil stills, and distilled to dryness, producing still grease and coke.The saleable products were naphtha, used in the paint and rubber industries ; burning oil principally used for illumination; and lubricating oil, whose production gave rise to one of the more inportant products of the industry’s later stages. This was paraffin wax which was at first something of a liability, since its presence inhibited the lubricating qualities of the oil, and initially it had no ready market. However, the mechanisation of candle manufacture in the mid-1850s provided an outlet and waic assumed a position of some importance among the industry’s products.To remove the wax, the heavy oil fraction %ms cooled in large shallow tanks to allow the wax to crystallise.The resulting semi-solid mass vras drained through hemp bags in a ’bagging loft’. After draining the bags were pressed in drums at a pressure of about 25 pounds per square inch. The resulting wax was then subjected to pressures of 600 pounds per square inch and washedseveral times in naphtha to remove any oily matters. Itwas then treated with animal charcoal and filtered.^Up to 1877 the only significant improvement in the process was the introduction of artificial cooling. In 1862, Alexander Kirk, the engineer and manager at the(so) Butt, Thesis. p. 50.(81) James Crooks, ’The History of the Refining ofParaffin Wax in Scotland’, Journal of the Society ofChemical Industry. Review. % l ' 44 ( 192^), pp. 599-602. .77Bathgate works, designed a compression refrigeration machine for the treatment of the wax.As the industry entered the next phase it was, therefore, one of relatively simple technology. This had assisted in the proliferation of small plants, particularly in the period after the termination of Young’s patent.In 1877 all of these had ceased operation. The remaining firms were limited companies. The smallest was the Dalmeny Oil Company vzith a paid up capital of £18,900 and works which, in 1871 at the time of the formation of the company, had been valued at £3,591.^ ^^ ^ The largest was, of course, Young’s Paraffin Light and î'Iineral Oil Company which had a paid-up capital of £486,625. In 1878 , 2,100 men were employed in twelve pits and two works, in processing 253,000 tons of s h a l e . T h e value of the plant is not precisely known, but the fact that in the ten years to 1874, £241,453 was %zritten off in depreciation, indicates that it was substantial. In 1874 two new pits liad cost &9,923.(G5)(82) H.R.J. Conacher, 'The Ilineral Oil Industry in Scotland', Oil Shales and Cannel Coal, the Proceedings of a Conferehce of the Institute of Petroleum, 1938, p. 502.(85) Dalmeny Estates Ihneral Register, pp. 27-8.(84) West Lothian Courier, 2.11.1878.(85) Ibid.. 15.6.1874.78CHAPTER 2 RECOVERY, CONSOLIDATION AND EXPANSIONTrading conditions improved in 1876 and 1877. The value of the products of a ton (20 cwts) of shale at Oakbank works rose from 229.465 pence (£0.95) in 1876 to 278.009 pence (£1.15) in 1877# an increase of 21 per cent.(^^) Production increased. At 581,351 tons shale output in 1877 was 27 per cent greater than in 1876.Young’s conpany increased production from 4,493,362 gallons in the year ended 30.4.76 to 5,886,436 gallons in # e following year, an increase of 31 per cent.^^) The number of miners enployed by the five surviving conpanies rose from 644 in 1876 to 751 in 1877.^^^^ Profits and dividends also recovered. In 1876 Young’s Company paid nine per cent and in 1877# seventeen and a half per cent.^^^) The Dalmeny Company in the same years paid six and fifteen per cent; the Oakbank Company paid seven and a half and(86) SRO Hare of Calderhall Papers, Statement by Oakbank Oil Co. Ltd. showing the value of shale calculated upon the prices obtained for finished products, \dLth the rate of lordship calculated at 1/38th part thereof. Prom 1876 to 1888. GD 266/80/1.(87) Inspector of Mines, East Scotland District Annual Report, 1877, PP 1878, XX, p. 255. At Oakbank, shale production rose from 35,797 tons in the period 16.5.1876 to 9.5.1877, to 45,736 tons in the year ended 8.5.1878, an increase of 27 per cent. SRO Hare of Calderhall Papers, Oakbank Oil Co. Ltd. Half-Yearly Returns of Shale Oulput , GD 226/81/67-70.(88) Scotsman. 3.6.1878, Annual Report of Directors of %ung*8 Paraffin Light and Mineral Oil Co. Ltd.(89) Inspector of Mines, Annual Reports, 1876, PP 1877,XXIII p. 506; 1877, PP 1878, XX, p. 306.(90) Conacher, Geological Survey, p. 247.79twenty-five per cent.(^^)1877 promised to be the start of another period of expansion and prosperity, As indicated, the surviving con^anies increased production and there were also new entrants to the industry, The first and best known of these was the Broxburn Oil Company Limited, established in 1877 to take over the many small works around Broxburn^ which had all come into the hands of Robert Bell, the mineral lessee. At the same time Bell sold *üiis lease to the new cosçïany, Broxburn was the obvious location^ at this time# for a new enterprise, Even after the recoveryof 1877 the small works were conpletely uneconomic. They were in fact worked for some months after the takeover by the new company but it was soon evident that they could not be made to pay.^^^^ The Broxburn shale was# however, of very high quality.The new enterprise required fresh equipment# at least as regards retorts. For some years before 1877# retort improvement had been the subject of considerable research and experiment, Many patents had been registered,The aim was to reduce fuel and labour costs and at the same time to produce a more uniform product, of which the quality(91) Dalmeny Estate Papers# Cash Ledger No, 3, Folio 474; Scotsman, 3,3.1881, Annual Report of Directors of bakhaok Oil Co. Ltd.(92) Norman Henderson# *The History of Shale Retorts at Broxburn*, Journal of the Society of Chemical Industry# 1897, p. 98?:(93) See Note 61, Robert Bell had mined this shale for sale to other refining companies, a tribute to its quality,(94) Redwood, on. cit,. pp. 261-325• By 1889# 111 patents had been recorded of which 63 related to retorts,80was not, as was the case In the older horizontal and vertical retorts, entirely dependent on the skill of the operatives. In 1873, Norman Henderson, manager of the Oakbank works, patented a vertical retort which reduced labour costs by one third and cut the amount of coal used by half The retort was charged directly from thehutches bringing the shale to the retorts. Previously the shale had been dumped on a platform from vdiich it had to be shovelled into the retorts. The spent shale was discharged directly into hutches for conveyance to the spent shale bing. Economy in coal was achieved by the use as fuel of the permanent gases produced by the retort itself. It ivas also claimed that the retort used as fuel the residual carbon in the spent shale. Redwood, however, demonstrated that this was of doubtful benefit.The Henderson retort was a significant advance in technology. The cost of production of crude oil was 2,31 pence (£0.00962) per gallon. Even with the best type of the hitherto available vertical retorts, crude oil cost 3,27 old pence (£0,0136) per g a l l o n . T h i s represents a reduction of almost 30 per cent. The crude oil was also easier to refine and gave a higher yield of paraffin scale, which was of considerable importance since competition from imported burning oil had increased the inportance of wax(93) Redwood, on, cit.. pp. 68 and 74.(96) Ibid.. pp. 73-6.(97) Norman Henderson, on. cit.. p. 984,81products in the sales of the native oil companies *A number of the new retorts were erected at Oakbank in 1874, althou^ it was not generally adopted even by the company that employed the designer. The reasons could not have been unconnected with the depressed state of the industry in 1874 and 1875. In the ensuing period of renewed prosperity, the continuing lack of interest may be explained by the high returns produced by existing plant. The capital costs of the new retort were not greatly different from those of the older verticals. In 1871 a single vertical retort cost about £80 plus £30 to £40 for ovens and condensers.The Henderson retort cost a total of £ 1 1 0 . Replacement of the existing capacity in the Lothians shale field would have cost about £150,000.(^ 0^) is hardly surprising therefore that the surviving companies were slow to adopt the new version.As we saw earlier the new company had no option in investing in new plant. One of the prime movers in its establishment was William Kennedy, managing director of(98) Dalmeny Estate î&ieral Register, pp. 27 and 34.(99) Scotsman. 3.6.1880 and 7.6.1881. Young*s Company paxd 1W,921 for 288 Henderson retorts, including rolling stock, sulphate store and other accessories.(100) In 1887 shale output was 581,351 tons, i.e. about 2,000 tons per day, assuming a working year of 300 days per retort. With a throughput of 30 cwts. per retort, some 1,350 of the new version would have been required.(101 ) William Kennedy after a four-year apprenticeship with a Biggar merchant, had spent some years in the service of two Glasgow films before joining the West Calder Oil Company in 1861. In 1868 he assisted Robert Fraser in the setting up of the Oakbanlc Oil Company Ltd. and was general manager of the company till 1877, when he became involved in the new Broxburn Company.Glasgow Herald. 22.5.1899, Obituary of William Kennedy.82the Oakbank Oil Company. He took with him to Broxburn, as general manager, Norman Henderson, the Oakbank manager and designer of the new retort. It was natural, therefore, that the new plant should be based on the Henderson retort.By I4arch 1879, a works with a capacity of 250 tons of shale per day had been built and an extension to 400 tons wasproposed.(^02)In 1878, the private company, I & J Thornton, resumed production at Hermand and Leavens eat, near West Calder.By 1880 the firm employed over a hundred mineworkers. (Also in 1878 the Binnend Oil Company Limited was incorporated to purchase from George Simpson, shale mines at Burntisland and an oil works in course of erection t h e r e . T h e company did not prosper and was wound up in 1881. The works and mines were acquired by John Waddell, an Edinburgh contractor, who sold them to the newly formed Burntisland Oil Conpany L i m i t e d . T h e works was equipped from the start v/ith the new retort, and in 1883 had a capacity of 300 tons per day.(^^^^ In 1884, the Linlithgow Oil Company Limited was set up to work shale leases at Champfleurie and Ochiltree. It too was equipped with Henderson retorts.(102) Scotsman. 10.5.1889# Report of Directors to the Annual Meeting of the Broxburn Oil Co. Ltd.(103) Inspector of Mines Report, 1880, PP 1881, XXV, p. 230.(104) SRO Memorandum of Association of Binnend Oil Co. Ltd. and Mnute of Agreement between George Simpson and the Company, BT2/837/1 & 3.(105) SRO Memorandum of Association of Burntisland Oil Co. Ltd., BT2/1049A.(106) Scotsman. 22.5.1883, Chairman’s Report to A.G.M.;Walter M. Stephen, The Binnend Oil Works and the Binn Village. (Edinburgh, l968%pp. "(107) Scotsman. 25*5.1889, Annual Meeting of Linlithgow Oil Co. ltd.83From the start, the Broxburn Company was hi^ly successful, fully matching the dividend performance of the established concerns. Indeed, as time passed, the older companies began to fall behind the newcomer in profitability. This is amply demonstrated in Table 2.1.Table 2.1; Dividends Paid by the Oil Companies, 1877-831877 1878 1879 1880 1881 1882 1883Broxburn Oil Co. 9i 9 25 25 25 25Oakbank Oil Co. 25 15 20 20 7iYoung’s Co. 17& 17& 12i 8 8 6 4Uphall Oil Co. 7i 2 4 6Source; Company reports in The ScotsmanAn obvious solution to the difficulties experienced by the older companies was investment in the new technology which v^ as the basis of the newcomer’s success. In 1880, the Uphall Company began the installation of 96 Henderson retorts, to increase the f i m ’s capacity by one third to four million gallons of crude oil per year.(^^^^ Young’s Company also began the construction of 288 Henderson retorts in 1 8 8 0 . The Oakbank Company did not invest in the new retort but commenced experiment with improvements to its existing vertical retorts.(108) Scotsman. 12.3.1880, Report of Directors of the Uphall Oil Co. ltd.(109) Scotsman. 3.6.1880, Report of Directors of Young’s Paraffin Light and Mineral Oil Co. Ltd.(110) Beilby, op. cit., p. 878.84The adoption of the new retort coincided v/ith the introduction of new mining methods. From the start the Broxburn Conpany worked the five foot Broxburn seam by the ’stoop and room’ system. This is best described as driving a mine, or ’dook’, in the shale until the edge of the seam is reached. At intervals along the dook, ’levels’ were driven out to the edge of the seam, and from these upsets were driven to connect each level with the next, A system of criss-crossing tunnels was constructed throughout the whole of the accessible seam. The tunnels were the ’rooms’ and the pillars left between them were the ’stoops’. On completion of the first working, the stoops were removed, starting at the remotest part of the seam and working back to the dook head. At both stages, the \diole depth of the seam was taken out.(^^^^ The method was not, therefore, ideally suited to seams having in them layers of unproductive material or ’fakes’. However, for the Broxburn seam and the deeper Pumpherston and Dunnet shales it %vas eminently suitable. By 1881 the long wall method ifas in use only at West Calder and Oakbank,As the thicker seams were developed by the stoop and room method, the productivity of the mines increased considerably. At figure 2.1, the graph shows the output per man-year in shale mines in the Eastern District of Scotland for the period from 1875 to 1914, with the exception of 1891, 1892, 1894, 1897, 1900 and 1901, for which years the(111) W. Caldwell, Methods of V/orking the Oil Shales, Oil Shales of the Lothians. I4emoir of ihe Geological Survevr (Glasgow#' 1906% pp.' 1To ei: sea. "v N86(Lists of Mines are not available. The graph indicates that output per man -was relatively steady until the early 1890s. From then it rose sharply to reach a peak of 792 tons per man-year in 1912. During this period'the bulk of shale production was from the thicker seams. The relative efficiency of the two methods can be demonstrated by examination of the Inspector of I'-Iines* Report for 1886. In the County of Linlithgow 1|601 underground workers produced 901,776 tons of shale, while in the County of Mdlothian 1,530 miners produced 570,523 tons. In Linlithgow all except 43 miners were employed in stoop and room workings*In Midlothian, 596 miners worked long wall faces. In Linlithgow the average per man was 563 tons and in Midlothian 372 tons. The Oakbank Oil Company worked its mines exclusively by the long wall method and in 1890 its 290 underground workers mined 101,058 tons of shale, an average of 348 tons per man. ^ ) As -the Oakbank figures are in tonsof 22# hundredweights, the average equates to 391 tons per man-year, a figure not greatly different from that for IhLdlothian as a whole. In 1896, the Ochiltree mine of the Linlithgow Oil Company produced 107,640 tons of shale and employed 168 underground miners, an average of 640 tons per man-year. At Dalmeny in the same year, 113,016 tonswere mined by 164 men, an average of 689 tons.^^^^^ Both mines were worked by the stoop and room method.(112) SRO Monthly Returns of Production of Oakbank Oil Co. Ltd., GD266/80/18-29, Hare of Calderhall Papers ; List of Mines# 1890, (London, 1891), p. 9*(113) Rosebery Estate Papers, Rental Ledger Mo. 6, p. 207; List of Mines. 1896, (London, 18977, p. 22.(114) Rosebery Estate Papers, Rental Ledger Mo. 6, p. 2421 List of Mines. 1896, (London, 18977, P« 12.87Meanv/hile there were fresh developments in the retorts. For some time it had been considered that the yield of sulphate of ammonia from the Henderson retort was capable of improvement. This was increasingly a valuable product.Its price had risen from about £14 per ton in 1869 to £21 in 1882.(1^5) Henderson*8 claim that his retort gave a higher yield of sulphate of ammonia than the older verticals was disputed by both Bielby and Redwood. The fact is that,until the mid 1880s, the yield of this product had been very much below the maximum possible, because the temperature at which the best type of crude oil was made was much lower than that required for the extraction of the maximum quantity of ammonia. To solve the problem, experiments were carried out in the 1870s and early 1880s with retorts operating at two different temperatures. In 1881 George Thomas Bielby, of the Oakbank Company^ patented a retort in which the shale was first heated in an iron section to produce the oil and was then passed downv/ards into a fireclay section where considerably greater heat was applied to drive off the ammonia. The retort v/as continuous in operation. As the shale at the bottom gave up the last of its ammonia a small quantity was removed and a corresponding amount of fresh shale introduced at the top. The retort was successful in(115) Beilby, on. cit.. p. 885.(116) Noman M. Henderson, 'The History of Shale Retorts at Broxburn', Journal of the Society of Chemical Industrie# Vol. XVI (189V), p. #4; Beilby. op. cit.. p. 885; Redwood, on. cit., p. 81.(117) See Note (59).88that the yield of ammonia was increased by more than 50 per cent and the yield of oil was little, if any, less than that of the Henderson retort. It was, however, difficult to work economically as regards labour and the fireclay portion had a tendency to crack when the cooler shale from the iron section made contact with i t . T h e first benches were erected at Oakbank in 1881 and it was also used by the Straiten Oil Conpany (later the Midlothian Oil Company) and was one of the reasons given for the company's failure at the time é f its liquidation in 1885.At about idle same time, William Young, of theClippens Oil Conpany, designed a retort of similar length to Bielby's but made entirely of cast iron. This produced results similar to those of the Bielby retort, but the cast iron could not withstand the heat of the second or ammonia s t a g e . T h e solution was found in a retort of cast iron, 12 feet in length for oil production, mounted on top of a 10 foot long firebrick section for the recovery of ammonia. The apparatus was heated by its o m permanentgases, supplemented to some small extent by coal gas from a(118) Redwood, op. cit.. p. 81.(119) Scotsman, 30.5.85, Special General Meeting of the ïEdîo^iaan Oil Co, Ltd.(120) William Young was for many years the manager of the Clippens Oil Co. Ltd. He was a notable innovator and claimed to have discovered the principle of the Henderson Retort in advance of Henderson's patent.The West Lothian Courier, from .31.5.1879 to 5*7.1879, carried a sometimes acrimonious correspondence between the tiio men on the subject. The dispute was eventually settled by the courts in favour of Henderson. Young was not related to the more famous founder of the industry.(121) Redwood, op. c i t p. 84.(122) Conacher, Geological Survey, p. 254.89producer retort set in the same bench. The main source of trouble was the joint between the iron and firebrick sections, which had a tendency to leak when allowed to cool. This was overcome by continuous operation of the retorts which necessitated the elimination of the week-end shut-dov/n. In some works attempts were made to overcome the defect by constructing the complete retort of firebrick. Although initially successful these retorts eventually cracked and split at the joints of the bricks,The profit potential of the new retort attracted new investment. An analysis of the capital invested in the industry from 1863 to 1914 is given in Table 2 of the Appendix to this Part. Prom 1884 to 1886, over £600,000 of new paid-up capital was invested, much of it in concerns set up to use the new retorts in distilling ammonia rich shales. The new entrants included the Pumpherston Oil Company, set up by William Fraser, formerly manager of the Uphall Oil Company, to exploit the minerals on the Pumpherston estate of Peter McLagen, M.P, who had been a director of the Uphall Company. The Holmes Oil Company was incorporated to work the same shales near Broxburn under leases held by Robert Bell. The West Lothian Oil Company was formed to purchase from the ubiquitous George Simpson, shale leases at Deans in Livingston parish and a refinery at Pauldhouse. Tlie Bathgate Oil Company was to(123) Beilby, oo. cit.. p. 880; Scotsman, 12.6.1889,Annual Meeting of the West Lothian Oil Co. Ltd.(124) SRO Minute of Agreement relative to the transfer of works etc, to the West Lothian Oil Co. Ltd. by George Simpson, BT2/1285/3.90exploit shales in the adjoining area at Seafield. The Lanark Oil Company was intended to take over works at Lanark, formerly the property of the British Oil and Candle Company, and in addition the works at Tarhrax first operated by E.W. Pemie, The vendor in this instance was again George Simpson.In addition to these new concerns, an established company from the Renfrewshire shale field transferred its operations to the Lothians, The Clippens Oil Company Limited^had, since 1878, worked for oil production the Lillie's shale of the Renfrew coalfield. In 1881 the company commenced mining and retorting shale at Loanhead, in Midlothian, the crude oil being sent to the Renfrew works for refining. In 1885 refining capacity in the Lothians area was acquired v/hen the Midlothian Oil Company was taken over. In 1892 the Renfrew refinery was abandoned and operations concentrated at Loanhead.The introduction of the new technology coincided with a period of somewhat mixed fortunes for the Industry. In 1884, all of the established companies paid dividends, ranging from the six per cent of Young's Company to the twenty-five of the Broxburn Company. In 1885, Young's paid eight per cent, an increase of one third. The rest of the(125) SRO Mnute of Agreement between George Simpson and the Lanark Oil Co. Ltd., BT2/1267/4.(126) Prior to its incorporation in 1878, this concern had operated as a private partnership. In 1878 the sole partner ivas James Scott vdio sold his interest to the new company for £150,000. S.R.O. BT2/808.(127) Scotsman. 30.5,1892, Directors' Report of Clippens Oil Co. Ltd.91older companies maintained or increased their dividends with the exception of the Oakbank Company which, due to trouble with its retorts, paid n o t h i n g . O f the new companies, Pumpherston and Holmes paid ten per cent and the West Lothian Company, fifteen, all on the basis of a part-year's working. The Lanark Company paid no dividend, and, in fact, had accumulated a loss of £16,930 in the period from August 1883 to October 1883* This was ascribed by the directors to lack of co-ordination between the crude oil works at Tarbrax and the refinery at Lanark,In 1886 dividend levels were maintained except in the case of the West Lothian Company which made no payment.In 1887, however, only the Dalmeny, Broxburn, Burntisland and Holmes Companies declared dividends, and these were mostly much r e d u c e d . I n 1888 only the Oakbank, Broxburn, Pumpherston and Hermand Conpanies had anything to divide. These dividends were not large. The Broxburn Company which had regularly paid twenty-five per cent was able to pay only five.^^^^^ It would be easy to claim that the miners' strike^ which lasted for five months in(128) The company was reconstructed in 1886 and two benches of Pentland Retorts were built. Scotsman,23.5.1886.(129) Scotsman, 28.3.1885, Lanark Oil Co. Ltd., Special Committee.(130) Ibid.. 26.12.1887, the Dalmeny Company paid 20 per cent, a reduction of 5 per cent; Ibid., 26.4*1887, the Broxburn Company paid 15 per cent, a reduction of 10 per cent; Ibid., 5.5*1887, the Burntisland Company paid 10 per cent as opposed to 20 in 1886; IbM., 11.6*1887, the Holmes Company paid 5 per cent, ÿ per cent less than in 1886.(131) Scotsman, 8.5*1888, Directors* Report, Broxburn Oil üoTTtdT921887, ivas wholly responsible for this catastrophic perform mance. However, it must be recognised that the strike was merely a synptom of the underlying problems of the oil trade. It was a reaction to an attempt by employers to reduce wages, vdii-ch, in turn, was the result of pressure on profit margins caused by the lowest product prices in the industry's history.At Oakbank the value of the products of a ton of shale in 1882 had been 172.032 old pence (£0.72), and in 1884 this had risen to 194.416 (£0.81). In 1887 a ton of shale realised only 134.420 old pence (£0.36), 31 per cent less than in 1 8 8 4 . In January 1882, burning oil was sold at Oakbank for 3.695 old pence (£0.015) per gallon. After rising to 4.529 old pence (£0.018) in January 1884, the price fell back to 3.371 old pence (£0.014) in January 1888^^^^) Paraffin scale and v/ax were also considerably reduced in price. In 1886 exports of candles from the United Kingdom totalled 80,063 hundredweights with a value of £201,919 :(£2.52 per owt.) In 1887 exports amounted to 83,153 cwts. at £2.17 per owt. In the following year 96,565 cwts. fetched £2,06 each.^^^^) The annual report of the directors of the Broxburn Con^any in May 1887, stated that the value of the company's products had fallen by £40,233 when compared(132) SRO Statement of Value of Shale, 1876 to 1888 at Oakbanic, Hare of Calderhall Papers, CD 266/80/1.(133) SRO Oakbank Oil Co. Ltd., Statements of Deliveries and Prices Paid for Burning Oil, Hare of Calderhall Papers, GD 266/81/5, 82/5 and 82/4.(134) Journal of the Societv of Chemical Industry# Vol. VIII (1889), p. @1.93with the previous year.^^^^) is estimated that thiscompany constituted about 17 per cent of the industry, and since the total sales of the industry in 1886 were £2;250;000,(^^^) the fall in value of its products in 1887 can be assumed to have been of the order of £230,000 or about ten per cent.The reasons for this situation were twofold. Competition among the native companies themselves was an important f a c t o r . I n the two years after 1884, six new conpanies had entered the industry and the established Oakbank conpany had virtually doubled production. Pour of the new companies built new works, only two talcing over existing plant. The established concerns also increased their productive capacity. In 1884, for instance, the Broxburn company completed a 23 per cent increase,An estimate of the total capacity of the industry can be made from the published annual reports. These must be treated with some caution since they were concerned primarily with the maintenance of confidence among shareholders in the directors' conduct of affairs. However, it(135) Scotsman. 11,5.1887.(136) This calculation is based upon the numbers of miners shorn as alloyed by the various conpanies in the list of mines given in the Mining, and Mineral Statistics of the United Kingdom, 1887, #(137) Journal of the Societv of Chemical Industry. Vol. VI 11887), pV 530.(138) Scotsman. 4.6.1887, Report of Annual Meeting of the ÎZnîîthgow Oil Co. Ltd.; Redwood, op. cit.. p. 33.(139) Scotsman. 13.5.1884, Report of Directors of the Broxburn Oil Co. Ltd.94is clear that, in the mid 1880s, retorting capacity of about two million tons per year was available. Since shaleproduction did not reach thtt level until 1888, it is evident that the possibility of over-production was there.The situation was exacerbated by competition from imported oils. Imports from Russia rose from less than three million gallons in 1886, to over tifenty million in 1888 and to more than thirty million in 1889 and 1890.At the same time American imports remained at a high level of around seventy million gallons per year.(^^^^Prices improved in 1888 and in subsequent years. At Oakbank the net realised price of burning oil rose from 3.371 old pence (£0.014) in January 1888 to 3.337 old pence (£0*0148) in January 1889, and to 4.491 old pence (£0.018) in 1 8 9 0 . The company reports of 1888 contain(140) West Lothian Courier. 9.10.1886, Report on the Oil Companies. This report gives capacities for seven of the oil companies. These totalled 4,850 tons per day, or 1,770,000 tons per year. Six companies were not included. Information elseidiere suggests that the Lanark Company had a capacity of 300 tons per day, the Hermand Company, 120 tons, the Oakbank Company, 300 tons and the Holmes Company, 230 tons per day . This corresponds to a total of almost 350,000 tons per year. Scotsman. 24.13.1885, 30.12.1886, 25.5.1886, 30l3T!^ZT For the two remaining concerns, the Dalmeny Oil Company Ltd. and the private firm, James Ross & Company, no data are available. Comparison of the information on the two concerns in the Lists of Mines, with that for the other companies suggests that a figure of 250 tons per day for each might not be far from the mark.This adds about 180,000 tons to the industry's capacity, indicating a grand total of some 2,300,000 tons, a level of production not reached until 1890.(141) Ihneral Statistics, 1886, PP 1887, LXXXIX, p. 873;1887, PP 1890-91, XCII, p. 801; 1888, IbM", 1889and 1890, PP 1890-91, XCII, p. 1045.(142) Ibid.(143) SRO Oakbank Oil Co. Ltd., Statements of Deliveries and ÎVices realised for Burning Oil sold, Hare of Calderhall Papers, GD 266/80/6 & 18.93references to better trading c o n d i t i o n s . A n agreement between the Scottish companies regulating the price of burning oil is cited as a reason for the improvement. (^ )An agreement between the Scottish and American producers of paraffin scale was referred to as 'more important*.This was designed to maintain prices by restriction of production. The readiness of the American producers to enter into such an agreement was possibly not unrelated to a falling off in American crude oil production. Dailyoutput declined from 64,000 barrels to 41,000. Americancrude oil stocks had fallen from 33 million barrels to 25 million in the year up to May 1888, and the price had risen by 50 cents. (1^ )^ The importance of the paraffin scale agreement to the Scottish concerns is demonstrated by comments in the published reports of two of the larger conpanies. In 1890, the directors of the Punpherston Oil Company stated that the recent increase of a half-penny (one fifth of a new penny) per pound in the price of paraffin scale had meant £10,000 to the conpany, while in the same year the directors of Young's company estimated(144) Scotsman. 17.5.1888, Annual Meeting of Broxburn Oil Go. Ltd.; Ibid.« 6.6.1888, The Directors of the West Lothian Oil Co. Ltd. bemoan the fact that fo n m rd selling at low prices had caused the company to derive little benefit from the better trading conditions .(145) Scotsman. 8.5.1888, Report of Directors of Broxburn Oil Co. Ltd.(146) Ibid.(147) Ibid.96the worth of the same Increase at £25,000.^^^^1889, 1890 and 1891, therefore, were years of relative prosperity for the Scottish oil companies. In 1889, all except Burntisland, Linlithgow and West Lothian paid dividends, and the following year, the Clippens conpany also passed. Suhsequehtly in 1891 the Dalmeny, Holmes and Hermand conpanies disappointed their shareholders. In these instances the poor performance can be ascribed to serious operational difficulties or deficiencies in management. The Dalmeny company suffered the misfortune of a fire in the shale workings in October 1 8 9 0 . The Clippens company was persistently troubled by flooding in the lower levels of the Pentland mine. The Linlithgow and West Lothian companies were in difficulties because their retorts were not suited to their shale s u p p l i e s . T h e experience of the Burntisland company indicates that the agreements on production restriction were not an unmixed blessing. In 1890, the directors reported that a bench of retorts had been idle for nine months after being shut down to conply with the instructions of the IHneral Oil Association. When trade improved they could not be restarted because of a shortage of miners and other workmen.(148) Scotsman. 13*6.1890, Annual Meeting of Pumpherston OilCo. Ltd., Ibid.. 19*6.1890, Annual Meeting of Young'sParaffin Light & Mineral Oil Co. Ltd.(149) Scotsman. 30.12.1891, Report of Directors of Dalmeny Co. Lxd.(130) Scotsman. 3*3*1890, General Meeting of Clippens OilCo. Ltd.; Ibid., 23.3*1889, Annual Meeting ofLinlithgow Oil Co. Ltd. and 2.6.1891, Annual Meeting of Linlithgow Oil Co. Ltd.; Ibid.. 13*6,1890, Annual Meeting of West Lothian Oil Co. Ltd.(131) Scotsman. 24.3*1890, Report of Directors of Burntisland oil Co. Ltd.97The fluctuation in the fortunes of the industry as a whole can be adequately demonstrated by the variation, from year to year, in the amount of distributed profit. The amounts distributed as dividends on ordinary and preference shares, and also as interest on debentures and other borrowings are given for the period from 1875 to 1914 in Table 2.2. The figures are derived from the published reports of the limited companies. Only in the case of the Broxburn company were no details given of interest on borrowed money. In fact the company did not issue debenture capital, although there were, on oacasion substantial short term borrowings. In 1887, for instance, it is on record that 10,000 preference shares of £10 each were issued to pay off £83,000 of short term debt.^^^^^ The figure for interest is therefore, in some years, very probably an underestimate. Information for some of the smaller companies was not found for every year in the series and there is a complete absence of data on the private concern of James Ross and Company. Table 2.2. therefore, in many years, understates to some extent the industry's profit record.In the decade from 1881 to 1890, distributed profit totalled over one million pounds, an average of slightly more than £100,000 per year. This is a slight improvement on the five years from 1873 to 1880, when £427,891 was paid out, an average of £83,378. As indicated earlier, there(132) Registrar of Companies, Broxburn Oil Co. Ltd. (NowB.P. Exploration Ltd.), Special Resolution to increasecapital. Pile 792/31.98Table 2.2: Distributed Profits and Interest Payments,1875 to 1914.Ordinary Preference Interest'Dividends Dividends Payments1875 25,276 25,2761876 50,680 50,6801877 106,244 106,2441878 96,401 96,4011879 82,986 82,9851880 91,580 91,5801881 71,515 153 71,6691882 83,159 83,2591883 83,101 83,1011884 122,510 3,828 126,3381885 149,619 149.6191885 155,459 21,288 176,7471887 43,853 30,039 73,8921888 19,039 7,870 26,9091889 84,222 6,000 44,694 134,9161890 67,492 6,000 45,742 119,2341891 65,342 6,000 38,933 110,2751892 47,105 9,928 33,700 90,7331893 1,890 6,000 30,737 38,6271894 14,443 24,979 39,4221895 15,299 10,221 24,665 50,1851896 23,231 12,624 29,060 64,9151897 18,423 6,945 31,152 56,5201898 18,697 12,945 24,911 56,5531899 20,353 15,000 25,182 60,5351900 54,124 15,000 23,293 92,4171901 77,029 12,945 27,787 117,7611902 56,008 12,000 26,488 94,4951903 70,461 12,000 20,324 102,7851904 107,523 18,000 24,287 149,8101905 116,792 21,000 19,147 156,9391906 116,792 21,000 19,465 157,2571907 138,048 26,181 18,298 182,5271908 157,152 26,400 19,902 203,4541909 159,945 29,104 20,131 209,1801910 118,186 25,500 17,995 161,6811911 45,900 21,000 19,898 86,7981912 42,925 21,000 20,688 84,6131913 127,956 27,000 21,401 176,3571914______ 134,962________ 24,000_______ 18,325 177,287%067,379 418,326 734,362 4,219,977^ Most of the sums paid under this head were payments of interest by Young’s Paraffin Li^t & Mineral Oil Co. Ltd. on a Convertible Debenture Stock.Source : Company reports in the Commercial Columns of TheScotsman. Glasgow Herald and the West Lothian Courier.99were bad years* Profit declined to £73»892 in 1887 and in 1888 at £26,909» the lowest point since 1875 was reached. However, in five of the ten years of the decade, the total distributed profit exceeded £100,000 and in 1886 it reached £176,747 a level not again achieved until 1907*The last decade of the nineteenth century was a critical period in the industry's histoiy. The thirty years before the first World War were dominated by a battle against coB^etition from imported oils. At times, as in the years from 1889 to 1891 » the native oil producers were successful but the fight was generally unequal because of the easy access to raw materials enjoyed by foreign coi#etitors. The Scottish industry v/as compelled 'to accept the prices fixed by the cheaper con^eting natural product, and then to conduct its own operations in such a way as to leave a margin of profit if p o s s i b l e ' . T h e extent of this competition is demonstrated by the native industry's declining share of the U.K. market. In 1887 the Scottish companies produced 52 million gallons of crude oil»(^^^) representing about forty per cent of U.K. consumption. In 1913 native production of 72 million gallons was only fourteen per cent of the market.Table 6 of the Appendix to this Part gives details of in^orts of oils from 1886 to 1913. It can be seen that those of Russian oil rose from a modest 2*7 million gallons(153) Conacher, Geological Survey, p. 249.(154) Oil Shales of the Lothians. Memoir of the GeologicalSurvey of Scotland, (Glasgow, 1906), p. 136.■nt:101in 1886 to 133 millions in 1903. After that there was a decline to just over 38 million gallons in 1913. Imports from the U.S.A. rose from 68 million gallons in 1886 to 303 million in 1913. From other sources imports in 1886 were just over half a million gallons* In 1913» they totalled 146 million gallons. The graph at Figure 2.2 shows the close relationship between the prices of ing)orted oils and those of the native product. The monthly prices of burning oil at Oakbank from 1889 to 1893 were consistently only slightly higher than the average prices of imported oil products.In the 1890s the immediate effect of this competition was a marked reduction in profit levels. In 1891 the total distributed profit was £110»273 and in 1892» £90,733. IVhile considerably reduced from the peak figure of 1886, these were nevertheless satisfactory results. In 1893, only £38,627 was paid and of this only £1,890 was in the form of dividend on ordinary shares. In 1894 a total payment of £39,422 consisted entirely of preferred dividends and interest on debentures. In 1893 and again in 1894, the Broxburn conpany, for the first time in its successful history was unable to pay a dividend on ordinary shares.In 1893, the £6,000 distributed to preference shareholders was taken from r e s e r v e s . I n the same year Pumpherston vms unable to pay a dividend to preference shareholders.(155) Scotsman. 27.4.1893, Statement of Accounts, Broxburn Oil do. ltd.102The change of fortune was the result of the breakdown of the agreement %^th American scale producers and the candle manufacturers. This had been successful in restricting sales and in maintaining price levels. However it hadalso resulted in an accumulation of s t o c k s , d u e to the impossibility of manufacturing any one of the lndustry*s products ifithout at the same time producing the others. Sulphate of ammonia was in demand and could be sold profitably. The refiner had only a limited amount of choiceas to what he produced from the crude oil and the amount of solid paraffin was very much dependent on the type of shale used. The shales in common use at the commencement of the 1890s were the Broxburn seams and at West Calder a similar shale knoim as Fells and rich in oil and paraffin scale.The net result %ms the growth of large stocks of wax. In 1892 two sets of circumstances made inevitable the breakdown of the agreement. It was unilaterally abandoned by a company badly affected by the restriction, and at the same time the liquidation of the Burntisland company released large stocks of wax and candles, further depressing the price of wax.The fall v/as of the order of ten guineas per ton.For Young ^8 company alone, this resulted in a reduction of £72,000 in the value of sales for the year.^^^^^ The other(156) Conacher, Geological Survev. p. 257.(157) Beilby, on. cit., p. 883. In 1891 Sulphate of ammoniaproduction was 26,000 tons, its highest figure up to that time. The price remained at £11 per ton.(158) Conacher, Geological Survey, p. 257*(159) Scotsman. 31.5*1893, Report of Directors of Young'sLight & Mineral Oil Co. Ltd*103companies reported similar reductions. The American agreement v/as revived in 1895 but broke doim in the same year. From 1892 onwards the Scottish industry had to compete in an unrestricted market with no artificial restraints on prices or production. It was able to survive only because of the last major development in the retorting process.The four old-established companies^ "^ ^^ ^worked the Broxburn and Fells shales vdiich were relatively rich in oil and wax. Using these same shales were the more recently established Linlithgow Oil Company Ltd., the ^ ivate firm of James Ross and Conpany, and the Caledonian Oil Conpany Ltd. at Tarbrax. The Pumpherston and Holmes companies worked the Punpherston shales vtiich were poorer in oil but considerably richer in sulphate of ammonia. There was a growing market for this as a fertiliser for sugar beet in northern E u r o p e . I n 1882, total production was 5,900 tons or 12 pounds per ton of shale. In 1891 output was 26,000 tons at a rate of 25 pounds per ton of shale. The increase was largely due to the introduction of the Young and Bielby retort, described earlier: this could be used profitably with the shales worked at the beginning of the 1890s . It was claimed that with a 'thirty gallon' shale, a profit of tim shillings (£0.10) could be realised at the prices ruling in 1 8 9 7 . The term 'thirty gallon' shale included the(160) Young's Paraffin Light & Mineral Oil Co. Ltd., Oakbank Oil Co. Ltd., Dalmeny Oil Co. Ltd. and the Broxburn Oil Co. Ltd.(161) Scotsman. 17.5.1894. Annual Meeting of the BroxburnnrToThtd.(162) Beilby, op. cit.. p. 883*104Broxburn seam worked at Broxburn, Newliston,Glendevon and Dalmenyi the Pells shale of West Calder; and the Mcliean shale at Oakbank. With the Young and Beilby retort, therefore, the firms using these shales, even in the depressed conditions of the 1890s were able to survive * However, the boom in the mid 1880s inspired development of poorer quality shales. In 1885, for example, the Oakbank company mined 12,459 tons of Dunnet shale in addition to 28,890 tons of the richer McLean s h a l e . T h e s e poorer quality shales were called *t\*/enty gallon’ by Beilby and by his reckoning, could be worked profitably when the yield of crude oil was twenty gallons and that of sulphate of ammonia sixty pounds per ton.^^^^^ In practice this was in many cases not possible. In 1890 the West Lothian coiapany found that the Dunnet and Pattis on shales could not be used profitably without working the retorts beyond their capacity The firm ceased trading shortly afterwards. The Linlithgowconpany had been set up to use the original Henderson retorts in conjunction with shale from a field thought to be an extension of the original Broxburn seam. The company prospectus mentioned shales tested to give from 51 to 33 gallons of oil per ton together with 24 to 52 pounds of sulphate of a m m o n i a . I n 1896 the company was using shales yielding only eiglateen gallons per ton.^^^^^ In.(165) S.R.O. Hare of Calderhall Papers, Statement showing the output and rate of Lordship payable for shale on Calderhall Estate, per ton of 22& cvrbs. from 1876 to 1888 inclusive. GD 266/82.(164) Beilby, on. cit.. p. 885.(165) See Note (150).(166) Scotsman. 6.5.1884.(167) Rosebery Estate Papers, Rental Ledger No. 6, p. 207.1051894 shale from Pimpherston number one mine described as ’ex breaker and shoots’, i.e. extracted from the normal retort feedstock, was tested in the company’s experimental retort and produced 12.61 gallons of crude oil and 44.79 pounds of sulphate of ammonia per ton.^^^^ On the basis of Beilby’s 1897 calculations this would have resulted in a loss of ten pence per ton if processed in the Young and Beilby retortThe difficult conditions were reflected in the dividends paid by the companies. After the disastrous years of 1893 and 1894, a slight recovery took place but it was not until 1901 that the total of distributed profit again exceeded £100,000. The average for the decade (1891 to 1900) was £66,018, compared with over £100,000 for the previous ten years. Reactions within the industry were varied. George Beilby, the fonmer manager of the Oakbank company, idio was, in 1897, the chairman of the Scottish section of the Society of Chemical Industry, maintained that costs had already been ’reduced to so low a point that there is small margin left for further reductions ’ and was of the opinion that ’nothing but an improvement in prices can raise profits to a satisfactory point. Among iâie(168) Punpherston Oil Co. Ltd., Record of Shale tested in Punpherston Patent Experimental Retort, ipril 29 to May 29, 1894. This particular test showed that over the period, 132 tons 4 owts. of sliale produced 1668.16 gallons of crude oil and 52 cwts . 5 quarters and 14 pounds of sulphate of ammonia. These records are in the custody of Young’s Paraffin Light and Mineral Oil Co. Ltd. (B.P. Punpherston) at Punpherston Works, Mid Calder.(169) This calculation was carried out by substituting, in Beilby’s ’20^gallon’ formula, 12.61 twentieths of the amounts of products other than sulphate of ammonia.(170) Beilby, on. cit.. p. 886106conpanies the general opinion was that, in the absence of better prices, a reduction in costs must be achieved.Most of them made efforts in this direction, notably by general reductions in the ivages of miners and other workmen# Some conpanies facing special difficulties were able to persuade their workmen to accept additional cuts.^^^^^Some landowners were persuaded to accept reduced royalty ratesThese, however, were tenporary expedients and could not be said to be entirely within the control of the industry. For instance, miners ’ wages were largely governed by the availability of labour . \!h.en the coal industry was busy miners were in demand and oil companies had to match the wages offered by coal masters. In fact the miners had negotiated an agreement for a sliding scale of wages linked to those of the coal miners. Apart from wages, the major item of cost was fuel, a factor over \diich the industry had little control. Some companies had their c m coal mines but even they were dependent for a large part of their fuel on coal purchased else^diere. In regard to costs| therefore, the companies were in much the same position as with prices. Both were governed by factors outwith their control. IVhat(171) Scotsman# 27.12.1897, Report on the Mineral Oil and tarafiin Industry during 18971 Ibid.# 20.5.1897,Annual Meeting of the Oakbank Oil Co. Ltd.(172) Scotsman# 27.12.1897, the Ï4ineral Oil Trade Report refers 1:0 the Linlithgow and Caledonian Companies being enabled to carry on by their miners accepting reduced wages.(175) Rosebery Estate Papers, Rental Ledger No. 6, indicates that the Earl of Rosebery had accepted reduced mineral rents from the Linlithgow Oil Company Ltd. in 18975 Scotsman. 15.9.1896# Report of Directors of the Holmes bil Go. Ltd. stated that the mineral landlord had accepted reduced rentals.107was required was a way of malting a significant reduction incosts and/or an increase in the value of products which didnot depend on factors external to the industry. This wasfound in further development of the retort.The search for improvement was general throu^out theindustry. In 1897 papers relating to three differentdevelopments of the Young and Beilby retort were read at aconference organised by the Society of Chemical Industry.^^^^)The earliest of these was produced at Broxburn by NormanHenderson, the designer of the retort on which the earlyprosperity of that company had been based. Henderson hadpersevered with his original retort despite the claims madefor the Young and Beilby version. He had ’alivays held thatthis retort required improvement, * (75) Henderson’s newretort, patented in 1889, was basically an extended versionof the Young and Beilby with the addition of charging anddischarging hoppers. The fresh shale ivas loaded into thehoppers direct from the hutches in which it was carried tothe retorts while the spent shale was discharged intoanother hopper which was periodically emptied by gravityinto.hutches for conveyance to the spent shale bing. Thenew retort was very economical of labour.’A bench of 88 retorts, putting through about 160 tons of shale every 24 hours is charged by two men during the day, and the spent shale is dram from the hoppers below into hutches by one maneach shift.’ ("^ 76)(174) Journal of the Society of Chemical Industry. DecemberT T T w r : ............. .............. ..(175) Ibid.. p. 984.(176) Ibid.. p. 987.108Henderson claimed that, with the Broxburn shales, the new retort gave an increase of three gallons per ton of crude oil and 45 pounds per ton of sulphate of ammonia compared with the 16 or 17 pounds per ton of the older Henderson retort. In the financial year ending4.4.1894, the new retort was credited with an increase in production of sulphate of ammonia of 15 tons per day and an addition of £16,000 to the profits of the conpany.The merits of the new retort obviously had a considers able influence on the decision of the Broxburn conpany to extend its operations into the Drumshoreland shalefields to the south west of Broxburn. This involved the expenditure of nearly £80,000 on the construction of a new crude oil works at Roman Camp. Increased yields and lower costs were a major factor in the company’s ability to avoid an operating loss in the depression year of 1892^ *95.^ '^^ ^^This was not, however, the final, nor the most important of the new developments. In 1894 James Bryson, the manager of the Punpherston company, commenced experiments with variations on the Young and Beilby principle. Hitherto it had been accepted that a limit was imposed on the diameter of retorts by the need to ensure that the shale was uniformly heated. It was considered that it was necessary for the retort to be of small diameter to ensure that no part of its contents was very far from the source of heat. Until(177) Ibid.(178) Scotsman# 17.5*1894, Annual Meeting of the Broxburn Oil(179) Ibid.109Bryson’s experiments the lateral dimensions had remained much the same as those of the first vertical retorts. The larger capacities of the later versions were the result of increases in length and were not acconpanied by correspondingly greater throughput* The early verticals were about fifteen feet in length as were the original Henderson retorts. Both had a throughput of 25 hundredweights per day. The Young and Beilby retort was some 22 feet long and processed 27 hundredweights per day . The improved Henderson retort was 28 feet in length, i.e. about twice as long as the first verticals. At 36 hundredweights per day, its throughput was rather less than half as much again as that of the older r e t o r t s . T h e shale spent a considerably longer time in the new retorts.Acting on the assumption that in a continuously operating retort where the column of shale was kept moving downwards by the withdrawal at frequent intervals of small quantities of spent shale, this continuous dovaiward movement would keep the shale moving horizontally within the retort, Bryson built an experimental model with a diameter of three feet. He was proved right. The downivard movement combined with a gradual widening of the retort towards the bottom did, in fact, ensure the uniform heating of the shale. Also the very slow progress of the shale through the retort helped the penetration of heat to every part. The retort had a capacity of 150 cubic feet and a throughput of five tons per day,(180) Conacher, Geological Survey. pp. 251, 254; D.R. Steuai% ’The I^ Ianufacture of Paraffin Oil’, Journal of the Society of Chemical Industry# 1889, p. 100; Henderson, bp. cit.# p. 984.110almost three times as much as any of its forerunners. )Like the improved. Henderson retort it was charged and discharged by gravity direct to hutches with consequent economy of labour. Fuel costs were very much reduced since, after the initial firing, the retort was heated entirely by its o\m permanent gases. One bench of the new retorts replaced two benches of Young and Beilby retorts with a saving in labour of 32 men and in fuel of 170 tons of coal per day.At Punpherston a bench of the new retorts consisted of forty with a capacity of 200 tons per day.^^^^^ This casts considerable doubt on a saving of 170 tons of coal per day, since even the old verticals did not consume as much as 17 hundredweights of coal per ton of shale. However, there is no doubt that substantial fuel savings were made. In 1902, after the replacement of 1,024 Young and Beilby retorts, Young’s company reported a saving of 44,000 tons of coal per year.(^^)The new retort created a feeling of some confidence, at least among those companies able to finance the replacement of their old plant. One chairman reported to the annual meeting of his company in 1905, that shale oil could be produced at a cost approaching that of natural petroleum.(181) James Br^ raon, ’Pumpherston Patent Retort’, Journal of the Society of Chemical Industry# 1897, p. 9901(182) Conacher, Geological Survey# p. 255.(185) Scotsman# 20.3.1896, Report of Directors of Pumpherston diï Co". iLitd .( 184) Ibid., 2.6.1902, Report of Directors of Young’s Paraffin Lï^ît & Mineral Oil Co. Ltd.(185) Ibid.# 21.3.1905, Annual Meeting of Oakbanlc Oil Co. Ltd.111In the same year the chairman of the Pumpherston company claimed that the time vras past when foreigners could sell at prices unremunerative to the coiig)any.This confidence found expression in expansion. Two concerns in particular enlarged their operations between 1896 and the First World War. The number of miners employed by the Pumpherston company rose from 382 to 1,556, while over the same period the Oakbank company increased its mining work force from 502 to 614. In addition an agreement was made to purchase the entire crude oil output of the Dalmeny company thus giving employment to a total of 910 miners. The private concern, James Ross and Conpany, doubled its mines* work force to 574. The Broxburn company had completed its expansion programme at Roman Camp before the advent of the Bryson retort. Young’s company made a deliberate decision not to extend its operations. It was not the policy of the board to increase production beyond the standard set at the üphall amalgamation in 1884, and it was felt that additional production might be difficult to dispose of in a bad year. (^^7)In 1892, the Pumpherston company had 424 Young and Beilby retorts using 600 tons of shale per day.^ *^ ®^ ^ The previous year the company had acquired the mine and works at Seafield, near Livingston, formerly occupied by the shortlived Batligate Oil Company Ltd. In 1896 the works and mines of the former West Lothian Oil Company Ltd. at Deans, also(186) Ibid.. 50.5.1905, Annual Meeting of Pumpherston Oil Co.CEdT(187) Ibid.. 16.6.1904, Annual Meeting of Young’s Paraffin TogEt & Itoieral Oil Company Ltd.(188) ’The Scotch Oil Trade’, Jourml of the Society of Chemical Industry. 1892, p. è31 • ■ ' v, -n112near Livingston, were taken over. During the next few years, these and the company’s original plant at Pumpherston were re-equipped with the new retort. In 1902 seven benches were at work, three at Pumpherston and two each at Seafield and Deans. In the year ended 30,4.1899 thecompany distilled a total of 396,922 tons of s h a l e , a n average of more than 1,000 tons per day, an increase of two thirds in the company’s production.The expansion of the Oakbank company v;as possibly even more marked in that it started from a smaller base. In 1893, the company used 114,783 tons of s h a l e . I n 1896 it contracted to buy the whole crude oil production of the Dalmeny company, effectively doubling the throughput of the r e f i n e r y . T h e Dalmeny company was eventually absorbed by the Oakbank concern in 1913. In 1897 the board decided to invest in a bench of the new Bryson retorts with a capacity of 200 tons per day.^^^^^ In 1898, despite the fact that prices were at the lowest point in the history of the trade, the potential of the new retort so impressed the directors that it was decided to replace the remainder of the existing plant as and when it wore out. The replacement was in fact carried out almost immediately in 1899.(189) Scotsman. 28.3.1902, Annual Meeting of Punpherston Oil Co. Ltd.(190) Punpherston Oil Co, Ltd., General Journal No. 2, p. 242.(191) SRO Oalcbank Oil Co. Ltd., Statement of Deliveries etc.. Hare of Calderhall Papers, GD 266/80/53-61.(192) Scotsman. 4.3.1896, Report of Directors of the Oakbank Oil Co. Ltd.; Rosebery Estate Papers, Rental LedgerNo. 6, p. 242, gives the shale production,of the Dalmeny Company as 113,016 tons.(193) Scotsman. 20.3.1897, Annual Meeting of the Oakbank Oil Co. Ltd.(194) Ibid.. 19.3.1898, Annual Meeting of Oakbank Oil Co. Ltd.; ë.5.1899, Report of directors of that conpany.113Commencing in 1901, a new shale field at Duddingston, near Winchburgh, was developed at a cost of £100,000. This included the opening of mines and the erection of a crude oil works at Winchburgh as well as an extension to the refinery at Oakbank. Capital was raised by the issue of additional ordinary s h a r e s . N i d d r y Castle works at Winchburgh doubled in size in 1908, partly to compensate for diminishing production at Oakbank due to the closing of the old pits. New supplies of shale were made available for the Oakbank retorts in 1910. Formerly the smallest of the refining companies, the Oakbank concern was now one of the largest.There were casualties among the companies v/hich had survived the depression of the early 1890s. In 1897 the Clippens company vmis forced to abandon oil production at Loanhead because of a dispute with the Edinburgh Water Trust.(^^7) gcHis concern had experienced great difficulty with geological conditions, but, until the enforced closure ) had been successful in surmounting them. Also in 1897, the Caledonian Oil Company Ltd. was forced into liquidation.The works and mines were kept going for some time by the liquidator, with the worlonen consenting to lower rates of pay. The company vms reconstructed in 1899 butsurvived only until 1903. The shale field was taken over(193) Ibid.. 20.3.1901, Report of Directors of Oakbank OilCo . Ltd.(196) Ibid.. 21.5.1908, Annual Meeting of Oakbank Oil Co. Ltd., 19.3.1910, Annual meeting of that company.(197) Ibid., 20.12.1897, Report of Directors of Clippens Oil Co. Ltd.(198) Ibid.. 27.12.1897, The Mineral Oil and Paraffin Industry during 1897.114by the Tarbrax Oil Company Ltd. in 1904. Although stinjic- turally separate from the Pumpherston company, the new concern had the same directors and its total production of crude oil was supplied to the Punpherston works. New mines were opened and the Tarbrax works was re-equipped with tliree benches of the Bryson retorts with a capacity of 500-600 tons of shale per day.^ '^ ^^ ) The Tarbrax company was formally amalgamated with the Pumpherston Oil Company in 1912.The Hermand Oil Company which had decided, in response to the depressed trade of the early 1890s, to close its works to ai'/ait better conditions, was, in 1898, reconstructed as the New Hermand Oil Company Ltd. Tlie directors were of the opinion that the existing equipment at the company’s Breich works could now be profitably operated. However,in 1900 an unsatisfactory result was explained by reference to antiquated and worn out plant, and an issue of preference shares was recommended to provide capital for a bench of the new retorts. ^ Unfortunately the issue was not fullytaken up and it proved possible to build only a partial bench. The company was wound up in 1903.The Linlithgow and Holmes companies also had survived the difficulties of the early 1890s. Neither company had(199) Ibid.. 25.5.1905, Annual Meeting of the Tarbrax Oil Co. Ltd. ; 18.5.1907, Report of Directors of that conpany.(200) Ibid.# 24.12.1898, Annual Meeting of the Hermand Oil ÜbTTûtd.(201) Ibid., 14.7.1900, Report of Directors of Hermand Oil Co. Ltd.(202) Ibid.. 31.12.1901, Annual Meeting of the New Hermand OlT Co. Ltd.115paid a dividend since that time hut by 1900 the Linlithgow company had paid off its debit balance and, in that year,made a modest provision for capital depreciation. Bothconcerns,however, were in need of new plant, particularly of retorts, and in the closing years of the nineteenth century attempted to persuade their shareholders to provide the necessary additional c a p i t a l . T h e y were unsuccessful and in 1902 the Holmes company simply abandoned its mines and works and ceased trading. The Linlithgow conpany, in 1896, had entered into an agreement to purchase the entire crude oil production of the Holmes company. The cessation of production at the Holmes works made the Linlithgow concern’s position untenable and it followed the Holmes company into liquidation in 1904,In 1914 the concerns remaining active were Young’s Paraffin Light and I4ineral Oil Conpany Ltd., the oldest survivor and one of the largest conpanies since its inception; the Oakbank Oil Conpany Ltd., also one of the oldest conpanies, but one of the smaller concerns until its expansion in the first decade of the twentieth century; the Dalmeny Oil Company Ltd., again one of the early conpanies, a crude oil producer only and on a relatively small scale;(303) Ibid.. 3.5.1900, Report of Directors of Linlithgow Oil Co. Ltd.(204) Ibid., 21.5.1901, Report of Directors of Linlithgow Oil Co. Ltd.; 24.7.1897, Directors’ Report of HolmesOil Co. Ltd. The directors recommended that £10,000 be spent on new retorts, the money to be raised by the issue of debentures. The necessary special resolution was passed but it does not appear to have been acted upon.116the Broxburn Oil Company Ltd., the only survivor of a number of concerns formed to exploit the Henderson retort, a large scale operation from the outset and maintaining its position to the end of the period; James Ross and Company, a private concern, a crude oil producer on a similar scale to the Dalmeny conpany; the last being the Punpherston Oil Company Ltd., a survivor of companies set up during the boom associated with the Young and Beilby retort, initially one of the smaller concerns, by 1914 the largest in the industry as a result of the expansion related to the Bryson retort.In the years up to 1914, the shareholder in the surviving companies enjoyed something of a bonanza. From 1901 to 1915 over two million pounds was distributed in dividends, an average of nearly £140,000 per year. This was the most consistently successful period in the history of the trade. A significant feature is the decline to insignificance in the proportion of profit distributed as interest on debenture stock. Most companies were able to redeem such borrowings out of revenue. The extent of this practice indicates that the industry was in fact considerably more profitable than is shown by consideration of distributed profit (Table 2.2). The only remaining significant item of this nature was the Young’s company’s conditional debenture stock. This was a hybrid between a debenture and a preference share and could not be redeemed in the same way as a normal debenture.A noteworthy feature of the period was the phenomenal performance of the Pumpherston company. From 1901 to 1915#117a total of £705,855 was paid in ordinary and preferreddividends. From 1904 to 1913 the dividend on ordinaryshares did not fall below 30 per cent and on four occasions50 per cent was paid.This was the last consistently prosperous periodexperienced by the industry. After the Great War theincreased exploitation of natural petroleum made theindustry’s position more and more precarious. In the 1930s,40s and 50s it was kept alive by a differential rate ofduty. VJhen this protection was removed in 1962 as aconsequence of the formation of the European Free Trade Area(EFTA) the Scottish shale oil industry finally expired.Interesting comparisons can be made of various aspectsof the industry’s performance at different periods. VJhenit consisted almost entirely of the Bathgate firm,E.W. Binney & Co., the industry earned a profit of £57,000(205)annually in producing 2,000,000 gallons of oil per year.^In 1878, after the transfer from cannel coal to shale,Young’s enterprise, now about one third of the industry, produced 6,457,857 gallons and returned a profit of £ 8 5 , 1 5 9 . In 1909 the most profitable of the immediate pre-war years, the industry produced 68 million gallons of crude oil and a distribution to its shareholders of£ 2 0 9 , 1 8 0 . The average profit per gallon was, in(205) Butt, Thesis, pp. 108 and 276.(206) Scotsman. 3.6.1878, Report of Directors of Young’s Paraffin Light and Mineral Oil Co. Ltd.(207) The Mineral Statistics for 1909 show that 2,966,874 tons of shale were mined and that the average yield of oil was 23 gallons per ton. The total product for the year was therefore just over 68 million gallons.PP 1910, CIX, pp. 970, 971.1181862-64, £0.0475; in 1878, £0.015; in 1909, £0.005; the 1909 profit margin was approximately one sixteenth of that obtaining in 1862. The nature of the products had also changed considerably. In 1864 the market value of the products had also changed considerably. In 1864 the market value of the products of one ton of Boghead Cannel coal was £15.50, made up of 80 gallons of burning oil worth £10, 20 pounds of paraffin wax worth £1 and ten gallons of lubricating oil worth £ 2 . 5 0 . In 1900 the total value of sales by the Pumpherston company was £505,165, made up of burning oil, £45,545; naphtha, £22,112; lubricating oil, £52,854; wax, £90,575; and sulphate of ammonia, £96,279.In 1864, burning oil constituted 74 per cent of sales, lubricating oil 18.5 per cent and wax 7.4 per cent. In 1900, the contribution of burning oil had fallen to 14.2 per cent, and that of lubricating oil remained much the same at 17.5 per cent. Naphtha provided 7.2 per cent and sulphate of ammonia was the largest revenue earner with 51.6 per cent of sales. Wax contributed 29.6 per cent.The raw materials were also very différent. The Bo^ead cannel coal produced over 100 gallons of crude oil per ton. Immediately after the transfer to sliale, the seams worked were, in the main, thin seams of rich shale.The Leavenseat mineral, for example, gave a yield of 40 gallons per ton.^^^^^ From the 1870s to the early 1890s,(208) Butt, Thesis, p. 149.(209) Pumpherston Oil Co. Ltd. General Journal No. 2.(210) Pumpherston Oil Co. Ltd. Record of Shale tested in Pumpherston Patent Experimental Retort, August 15 to 25, 1894, Shale from the limestone mine at Leavenseat.119the main seams worked were thicker Pells and Broxbum shales, giving yields of around thirty gallons per ton. Immediately prior to the Great War, the deep ’Dunnet’ and ’Pumpherston’ shales were in common use, giving a low-15 to 20 gallons per ton-yield of oil but a very high yield of ammonia, a combination suited to the conditions of that time.Profit margins also showed considerable variation over the years. In 1864 a gross profit of £11.18.2 (£11.908) could be got from the retorting of a ton of cannel coal.^^^^^ I4arketing costs remained to be deducted, but it is unlikely that this would reduce the margin more than slightly. Afterthe transfer to shale, the gross profit per ton fell to about £1.10s. (£1.50),(^^^)still a satisfactory return, although substantially less than that for cannel coal. In 1877 the amount of profit distributed as dividends on shares represented £0.25 per ton of shale used. This margin fell to £0.018 per ton in 1893. In the years preceeding the Great War the margin varied from £0.045 per ton to £0.075 except for the years 1911 and 1912 when it fell to £0,027.^^^^^ Product prices also fell steeply. In 1864 lubricating oil fetched five shillings (£0.25) per gallon, while burning oil was sold at two shillings and six pence (£0.125).^^^^^In 1900 lubricating oil was sold at slightly over five pounds per ton, or about £0.22 per gallon. At the same time(211) Butt, Thesis. p. 147.(212) Ibid.. pp. 335-337.(215) These figures were calculated from the annual tonnages given in the Inspector of Mines * Reports and in the Mineral Statistics, together with the annual distributed profits given in Table 2.2.(214) Butt, Thesis. p. 147.120burning oil fetched about sixpence (£0,025) per gallon, while shale products were sold for prices considerably less than the costs of production in 1866.(215) Punpherston Oil Co. Ltd., General Journal No. 2, p. 416.(216) Butt, Thesis, p. 335, gives the cost of retorting and refining the crude oil as twenty shillings and sixpence (£1.02-1; in 1866; Rosebery Estate Papers, Rental Ledger No. 6, p. 208, indicates that the Linlithgow Oil Co. Ltd. realised bet%men ten shillings and one penny (£0.504) and eleven shillings and tenpence (£0.591) per ton of shale for its finished products.121CHAPTER 3 CAPITAL Aim COMPANIESIn 1914 the industry consisted of Young’s Paraffin Light and Mineral Oil Company Ltd., the Oakbank Oil ConpanyLtd., the Dalmeny Oil Company Ltd., the Broxburn Oil ConpanyLtd., the Punpherston Oil Company Ltd. and the private finn of James Ross and Company. These were the six survivors of 69 concerns initiated in the Lothians and Fife since 1831. There were 26 limited companies and 43 individual entrepreneurs or private partnerships. Ten of the limited companies and 43 of the private concerns were formed in the period up to 1877 and from then until 1904, sixteen limited companies and one private firm came into existence. Interms of numbers, the industry was, in its early stages,predominantly one of private concerns. After 1877 itconsisted largely of limited conpanies. Of the 43 privateconcerns set up before 1877, only t\fo survived after that date and both had been converted into limited companies. ( ^ ) Even in its early years the industry represented a considerable capital investment. An exact figure cannot be placed on the amount of such investment by individuals andpartnerships, though an estimate can be arrived at. It isknown^for instance, that the Caledonian Oil Company at Benhar, near Whitburn, involved a capital of £30,000.(217) James Young had sold his interests to Young’s Paraffin Light & Mineral Oil Co. Ltd. in 1866; Meldrum,Simpson and McLagen sold out to the Uphall Mineral Oil Company Ltd. in 1871. This conpany was reconstructed as the l^hall Oil Co. Ltd. in 1877.(218) Vanplew, op. cit.. p. 66.122It has also been estimated that £150,000 was spent on the various works around Broxburn by 1 8 6 5 , In 1871 the works at Dalmeny was valued at £3,591, This included 24 vertical retorts and ancillary equipment valued at £2,204,21 horizontal retorts valued at £352 and the mine supplying the shale which was worth £950. . In 1871, the rateablevalue of this works was £164. If, as seems reasonable, we assume a relationship betimen the rateable value and capital investment involved, it might be deduced from this that the capital involved in concerns not operated by limited companies was of the order of £ 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 . This, however, is based on the valuation of an existing works which had, very probably, suffered some depreciation. The value placed on the vertical retorts was, in fact, less than two-thirds of the new price ruling in 1 8 7 1 . Capital investment in private concerns may therefore have been considerably higher than £100,000, and may have been twice that amount.The investment in the limited conpanies is much easier to quantify. Details of paid-up capital are given in the company f i l e s a n d have been extracted to form Table 2 in the iÿpendix to this Part, which, among other things, gives for each year from 1863 to 1914, the cumulative total(219) Butt, Mania, pp. 202-3.(220) Rosebery Estate Papers, Dalmeny Estate Minerals Ledger, p. 34.(221) The total Rateable Value of the private concerns was £6,612. £3,591 x 6,612 f 164 equals £144,778.(222) Rosebery Estate Papers, Dalmeny Estate Minerals Ledger, p. 34.(223) See Notes 226 and 227.123of investment in the limited companies. At the end of1876, a total of £979,284 had been invested in the companies in the oil industry. The overall total of investment may therefore have been as high as £1.2 million.£2.8 million was added to the industry’s capital between 1877 and 1914. At all stages, however, considerable wastage of capital occurred because of the many failures.The five limited companies surviving in 1914, among them, had a paid-up capital of £1,419,508. Failures and reductions of capitalsmong the survivors^^^^ accounted for a loss of £2.2 millions of investment.Taken along with the considerable success enjoyed by surviving concerns in the first decade of the twentieth century, such a record of failure suggests that the industry might be a suitable case study on the performance of British industry since the middle of the nineteenth century.The predominant position in the oil industry of limited liability places such a study firmly in the context of the limited conpany. So, before considering the exercise of entrepreneurial and managerial functions, we ought to examine the effects on the industry of limited liability itself. This will be carried out largely by considering the data in the tables in the Appendix to this Part.(224) Among the survivors, both the Oakbank Oil Co. Ltd. and Young’s Paraffin Light and Mineral Oil Co. Ltd. had undergone major reconstruction involving considerable reduction in capital. See Appendix, Table 2.(225) P.L. Payne, British EntrenreneursMp in the Nineteenth Centu^. Lonion, lW4, Is a useiui simkary of the de¥ate; R.H. Cambell, The Rise and Fall of Scottish Industry.,, Edinburgh, i980, is a WdeLï%hging discussionof the problem as it relates to Scotland.124The tables are construoted from the limited conpany files. In the case of lapsed companies these are held at West Register House, Edinburgh. ^ Those of the four ’live’ conpanies are in the custody of the Registrar of Companies at 102 George Street, Edinburgh. (^^7) filesconsist of the documents required by law to be lodged at various stages in a company’s existence. They include the Memorandum of Association, the Articles of Association,Notice of Situation of the Registered Office, copies of resolutions regarding changes in capital or Articles of Association and, most importantly for the present purpose, the annual returns of capital and shareholders known as the Summary of Capital and Shares.This document was required to provide details of the company’s nominal capital, the denomination of the shares, the number of shares issued and the amount paid on each share. Information on the nominal, issued and paid-up capital of each company is available. These were not necessarily identical. A company might be incorporated with a given level of nominal capital expressed as a number of shares each of a specified denomination. For one reason or another, not all of the shares might be issued or not all of the value of the issued shares might be called up. For instance the Oalcbank Oil Company Ltd. in 1885 had a nominal(226) S.R.O. BT2,(227) The ’live’ coipanies are Young’s Paraffin Light & Mineral Oil Co. Ltd. which operates the detergent plant at Pumpherston Works; the Broxburn Oil Co. Ltd. which is now known as BP E^loration Ltd.; the Pumpherston Oil Co. Ltd. and the Oakbank Oil Co. Ltd. which is now the B.P* Exploration Company (associated Holdings) Ltd.125capital of £90,000 in £1 shares. Of these 60,000 were fully paid, hut 50,000 were paid up only to the extent of ten shillings each (50 pence). The issued capital \ras therefore the same as the nominal capital, i.e. £90,000, but the paid- up capital was on|y £75,000. The Lanark Oil Company was set up in 1885 with a nominal capital of £150,000 in £10 units. Only 10,000 shares were issued, and only £9 was called on each. The company’s issued capital was therefore £100,000 and its paid-up capital £90,000.The Summary of Capital and Shares also provides the names and addresses of the shareholders. The form also required a designation or occupation to be given, but this was not invariably provided.Table 2 in the Appendix is a year by year statement of the amount of paid-up capital in the limited companies. It gives the total amount of capital created in each year and also the total lost by dissolutions and reductions in capital* Cumulative totals for capital created and lost are given. The last column gives the net ’active’ capital for each year.Table 3 of the Appendix gives for each conpany the year of formation, the nominal and issued capital, the denomination of shares and, derived from the first Summary of Capital and Shares submitted after Incorporation, the number of shareholders, the amount of largest and smallest holdings and the number of holdings of £100 (nominal) or less. The issued capital per shareholder has been calculated. The last four columns show the value of shares not paid for in126cash and the amount of cash payments to predecessor concerns, The proportion of such payments to the issued capital has been calculated* Information regarding these payments is normally found in the Articles of Association of the conpany, and the table may be incomplete, especially as regards earlier conpanies for \diich full details of such payments were not provided.It has been argued that the limited company made available for investment large amounts of money held by a multitude of small savers. Professor Payne has questionedthe reality of the appeal of Scottish limited conpanies to the small investor, pointing out that relatively few companies before 1895 had capital issued in shares of £1 or less.(^^^) The most favoured denominations were between £10 and £25.In the oil industry, the first limited company, the Broxburn Shale Oil Conpany, was formed in 1862 and issued shares with a nominal value of £200. The shares of two subsequent companies were issued at £100, and in 1866 and 1869 two companies issued shares with a nominal value of £50. In 1878, the Clippens Oil Company was established with capital in £100 units . These nominal values are considerably above the average quoted by Payne. However, between 1866 and 1885 eighteen concerns were incorporated with shares of a nominal value of £10. One company had capital in £5(228) M.W* Flinn, An Economic and Social History of Britain. 1066-1939* Lbhcioh. 1961. on. ^55-b; PaTOeV Sritfsh lEintrenreneurshin# p. 1@.(229) P.L. Payne, The Earlv Scottish Limited Companies.. 1856-1895, Edinburgh, "1980, pp . 49-Ml.127imita and two issued original shares at £1. Some of the surviving companies in 1914 had converted their shares to that basis* The first to do so was the Oakbank Company which replaced its £50 shares by £1 units in 1873 and had created £50,000 of fresh capital in that denomination by 1885.Despite these relatively high denominations oil company shares did attract some small investors in the last decades of the nineteenth century. Obviously companies such as the Broxburn Shale Oil Company, with £200 shares of which £125 was called up, relied very much on the wealthier sections of society . The number of shareholders in the early companies ivas generally small - see Table 3 in the Appendix. In many instances the original shares were held by the subscribers to the Memorandum of Association, M t h the possible addition of only one or tim individuals. Among the early concerns, the largest number of shareholders ivas in Young’s Paraffin Light and î^ ineral Oil Company where 74 persons held the 5,825 issued shares* The largest shareholder was Young himself with 1,000 shares with a nominal value of £100,000. The smallest held ten shares amounting to £1,000 Indicating that this company had no really strong appeal to the small investor.Table 3 of the Appendix also shows the relationship between the issued capital and the number of shareholders. Companies where the nominal value of shares was high had a high average shareholding. Of companies with a nominal share value of £50 or more only one had an average shareholding of under £1,000* The average shareholder in128Young’s Paraffin Light and Mineral Oil Company held shares worth £7,871, The seven conpanies formed before 1870 drew£660,400 from 131 shareholders, an average of £5,041. Thefour concerns incoiporated between 1870 and 1876 attracted £220,700 from 360 investors, an average of £613* In threeof these the shares were nominally £10 and in one £5* Asimilar pattern obtains in the case of later incorporations. The sixteen companies formed between 1877 and 1914 issued in their first year of existence £1,346,844 of capitalwhich was subscribed by 2,561 shareholders with an average holding of £525* That the lower denomination (£10) \ras attractive to smaller investors is confirmed by the number of holdings of £100 or less. Among the shareholders of the first seven companies only one fell into this category.Among those of the twenty later companies 1,035 out of 2,561 shareholders (40 per cent) held shares with a nominal value of £100 or less.It must be emphasised however that there were some substantial holdings and also that the limited company form was necessary to raise the high amounts of capital required. The works of E.W. Binney & Co. cost £3,000 in 1851 and it is(230) The Tables were constructed from the first AnnualSummary of Capital and Shares for each company, since this represented most nearly the position at the launch of the company. The shares were, of course, traded on the Stock Exchange and later Summaries give a different picture in some cases. In 1871 the Uphall Mineral Oil Co. Ltd. had only three shareholders with holdings of £100 or less; in 1877 there were 25 such holdings and in 1883, the successor company, the Uphall Oil Co, Ltd. had 39. This serves to confirm the increasing appeal of such investments to the small saver. S.R.O. Uphall Î4ineral Oil Co. Ltd. Summary of Capital and Sh^es, 1877, BT2/343/14; Uphall Oil Co. Ltd. Summary of Capital and Shares, 1883, BT2/670/14,129conceivable that many of the small plants operated in the period up to 1877 cost even less. The Dalmeny works was valued at &3*591 in 1870^^^^) and it was by no means the smallest in the Almond valley. The Annual Value in 1870- 71 was £500. In the same year the annual values of works in the Broxburn area included £35 for Bellas Stewartfield works j £200 for Miller ♦s works, £150 for Poynter’s and £409 for the Albyn works of the Glasgow Oil Company. Up to 1877 persons of moderate means were able to invest in the oil industry as individuals or as members of small partnerships. After 1877 this was no longer possible. A works with a comparatively modest usage of 300 tons of shale per day required a capital outlay of idae order of £70,000. Capital on such a scale was, as has been pointed out by Professor Mathias^ more readily raised by means of the limited liability company.The Goiopany files also provide data for a discussion of the identity of the shareholders. Information as to the designation or occupation of shareholders was extracted from the first Summary of Capital and Shares for each coi#any. Three concerns were omitted; the two Caledonian companies because of lack of information and the Clippers Company because only a handful of designations were given among a(231) See p. and Note (220).(232) Scotsman. 27.5-1885, Report of Directors of Pumpherston Oil Co. ltd., indicated a capital expenditure of £72,597. This included refining capacity slightly beyond the crude oil production.(233) P. Mathias, The First Industrial Nation. An Economic History of Britain,' 1700-1914, Ibnddh7"l969, pp. 384*-5*130large number of shareholders. The information formsthe basis of Table 4 in the Appendix. This is arranged in three groups, i.e. those companies formed from 1862 to 1870; from 1871 to 1876 and from 1877 to 1914. The Straiten Estate Company, althou^ incorporated in 1876, v/as placed in the third group. The company issued its first Summary of Capital and Shares in 1878 and did not appear in the Inspector of Î4ines Report until 1881.Within each group the shareholders were allocated to broad descriptions corresponding to major divisions in Scottish society. The first covers those engaged in commercial activity and includes merchants of all kinds, stockbrokers, bankers, various agents and wholesale dealers. The professional group is largely self-descriptive but overlaps a little with other sections. Factors were placed here although there is a case for their hiclusion in the group connected with the land. Commodity factors were considered to be essentially brokers and placed in the commercial section. The professional group includes teachers, Professors etc. Those involved in the public service include Inspectors of Poor, Inspectors of î^ îines and law court officials. Manufacturers in most cases were easily identified. However to this group were also allocated persons involved in production by means which cannot strictly be described as manufacture, e.g. coal masters and builders.(234) The first Caledonian con^any was registered in London and the conpany file is not available locally. The second company although registered in Scotland, had as its sole shareholder, the old company.131The rétail section includes the various service trades such as plumbers, joiners etc. All of the precedjn^j were considered to be employers or self-employed. In the case of an individual described as, for example, a joiner, it is obviously impossible to decide whether he is in the retail category or one of the ♦working class*. In such cases the decision has been made on the assumption that, in the absence of information to the contrary, such individuals are placed in the *retail/service* group. The employed group comprises all those, not enqployers or self-employed, v;ho cannot strictly be defined as working class. It is subdivided into managerial and other . The latter includes such persons as salesmen, commercial travellers, and law, commercial and bank clerks. The working class section is also subdivided into upper and lower groups. The first comprises those in supervisory positions. Clerks were included here although it could be argued that they are proper to the employed, other group. It was considered however, that the majority of clerks, other than law or mercantile clerks, had more in common with the supervisory grades of the working classes. The last category includes those connected with the land, e.g. proprietors, farmers, farm managers etc. A sub-group was set up to comprise those connected with the land in subordinate positions but only two individuals were found to be included.The first group of companies formed between 1862 and , 1870 involved 131 shareholders of whom only six were not described in the Summaries. Of these 31 (40.8 per cent)132were engaged in commerce, 41 (32,8 per cent) in the professions and 14 (11.2 per cent) in manufacturing. One person was engaged in retail trade, four were employed as managers, two were connected with the land and there were five gentlemen and a publisher. Nearly 85 per cent of ahareholders were found among the commercial, professional and manufacturing classes. Over 70 per cent were in commerce and the professions.In the case of companies formed between 1871 and 1876 there were 360 shareholders of whom 193 were identified as to occupation or description. Of these, 62 (32.1 per cent) were engaged in commerce, 60 (31 per cent) in the professions and 14 (7.2 per cent) in manufacturing, a total of 70.3 per cent as opposed to 85 per cent in the earlier period. Land contributed twenty shareholders (10,3 per cent) and retail trade showed an increase to nine (4.6 per cent). Tvfo categories not represented in the earlier companies were non- managerial employees of whom there were five (2.5 per cent) and the upper working class, seven (3.6 per cent).In the companies incoiporated from 1877 to 1914 this shift to the lower end of the socio-economic scale is more marked. The fifteen concerns had 2,424 shareholders of whom 1,624 were identified as to occupation or description.Of these 441 (27.1 per cent) were in commerce, 330 (20.3 per cent) in the professions and 216 (13.3 per cent) in industry, a total of 60.7 per cent, considerably below the proportions found in these groups in the earlier companies. Retail trade now accounted for 215 individuals (13.2 per cent).133managerial employees for 103 (6.3 per cent) and the two working class groups for 98 (6.0 per cent) and 43 (2.7 per cent) respectively. In these companies there was a substantial involvement by those in the retail trades and by employed persons of all grades.It is clear therefore that limited liability in the oil industry did serve to channel the savings of the less wealthy groups in society into manufacturing industry. At the same time it is equally evident that the majority of shareholders were draim from the groups in which the wealth of the nation was concentrated.Although there were, in the later companies, many small shareholdings, most had at least one substantial shareholder. These holdings ranged from 3 per cent of the total shares in the case of the West Lothian Oil Company to 57 per cent in the Binnend Oil Company. Such shareholdings were often the result of allotments to previous owners of plant taken over by the limited company. Since companies were normally floated in times of prosperity the prices paid in shares or in cash in such transactions, were in many cases inflated and constituted a considerable burden.Table 3 in the Appendix gives, where the information is available, the amounts of such payments and the proportion of issued capital represented by them. This was often substantial, ranging from 12 per cent in the case of the Holmes Oil Company to 83 per cent for the Bathgate Oil Company.It cannot, however, be inferred that such burdens invariably led to the failure of a company, ^ Certainly the134Bathgate Oil Company failed within a vexy short period and others lasted no longer than a few years. On the other hand most of the conpanies which survived to 1914 had commenced with similar burdens. In fact the oldest survivor. Young’s Paraffin Light and Mineral Oil Company paid over £400,000 or 68 per cent of its issued capital to James Young on acquiring the Bathgate and Addiewell works,Even the phenomenally successful Broxburn Company had a burden amounting to 32 per cent of its âssued capital in respect of works and mines taken over from Robert Bell.The Broxburn Company suffered no apparent ill effects but Young’s Company in 1867 was in such difficulties that James Young was obliged to make the company a gift of the minerals in certain of his properties, and also to postpone for four years the payment of £100,000 of the purchase price. In 1869 he waived a claim for £53,000 in respect of interest due to him. The effect of such payments on the success orfailure of a concern was obviously related to other factors. One such factor is clearly the value of the assets received in return for payments to former owners. Mere the directors of a company were able to secure a well constructed, viable works at a reasonable price, a payment representing a high proportion of the initial capital would be justified.On the other hand a limited company could find itself in possession of little more than the mineral lease and facing(233) Conacher, Geological Survey, p. 247.135the prospect of considerable expenditure on plant and machinery* In such circumstances the payment to a vendor of a high proportion of the firm’s capital could not be justified.Professor Payne has indicated the difficulties involved in the assessment of the value of assets represented by the capital of concerns incorporated in the nineteenth century. These are considerable and it is clear that, in the absence of almost all of the business records of the firms in the oil Industryapproximate estimates only are possible. A number of indicators of the physical size of the operations are available and can be used in a comparative sense to discuss the relationship of capital to the real scale of operations ♦The best of such indicators is the size of the works and their actual costs. Reliable information, particularly on costs is regrettably scarce. However for two firms, published annual reports provide sufficient data for effective comparison. Young’s Company in 1866 paid £401,636 for the works at Addiewell and Bathgate. In 1878 it v/asreported that 233,000 tons of shale were distilled annually to produce 8,040,000 gallons of crude oil. 9,680,000 gallons of crude oil were refined.(^39) In 1882 the Broxburn Company had refinery capacity of eight million gallons per(236) Payne, Early Scottish Limited Companies, pp. 89-95.(237) The sole surviving operational unit of the industry is Pumpherston Works, where a small part of the records of the Pumpherston Oil Co. Ltd. survive.(238) Scotsman. 7.6.1881, Directors’ Report of Young’s Paraffin Light & Mineral Oil Co. Ltd*(239) West Lothian Courier, 2.11.1878, Young’s Paraffin Light & Mineral Oil Co* Ltd.136year in works which had cost £269,983.^^^^ In the case of Young’s Company £1 had purchased refinery capacity of 24.1 gallons. For its £1 the Broxburn Company had bought capacity of 29.63 gallons. The Broxburn Company cost of £269,983 included the initial purchase price plus all subsequent capital expenditure. The Young’s Company figure represents initial purchase price only. No information is available on the amount of additional capital expenditure between 1866 and 1878. The sum must have been considerable since in 1881, only three years later, the total was stated ÿ to have been £ 3 7 1 , 7 0 3 . The imbalance between the companies in respect of the costs of refinery capacity is therefore considerably greater than indicated.In 1883 the Pumpherston Company spent £72,397 on plant designed to cope with 300 tons of shale d a i l y , i . e .£251.99 per ton of capacity. In 1883 the Oakbank Company operated works with a throughput of 37,330 tons of shale per year (137 daily). The works were insured for £36,078 or £337 per ton of c a p a c i t y . I n 1878 Young’s Company processed 638 tons per day in works costing £401,636, i.e.£629 per ton of capacity.It seems reasonable, therefore, to conclude that the payment of £401,636 in 1866 by the company was unrealistic(240) Scotsman. 18,3*1882, Annual Meeting of Broxburn Oil Co. Ltd.(241) Scotsman. 7*6.1881, Directors’ Report of Young’s Parafïih Light & I4iheral Oil Co. Ltd.(242) Ibid,. 27.3.1883, Report of Directors of Pumpherston Oil Co. Ltd.(243) Ibid,, 10.3*1883, Report of Directors of Oakbank Oil Co. Ltd.; SRO Statement of Deliveries etc. Oalibanlc Oil Co* Ltd., Hare of Calderhall Papers, GD 266/82/41.(244) West Lothian Courier. 2.11.1878, Young’s Paraffin Lightr llînëîS’ Ôîr So' ; Z£a.137and constituted a considerable burden on the company. In fact this was acknowledged by the management at various times. In 1887 when the conpany faced its most serious difficulties, the directors reported that the capital of the company in proportion to its output was ’very much larger than that of any oil c o m p a n y , T h i s was said to be due to the large sum originally paid for the works as well as to the expense on improvements.Such imbalance between the price paid and the real value of assets was common throughout the oil industry. It cannot be assumed it was due entirely to inexperience or lack of foresight on the part of the various boards of directors. In many cases the companies were promoted by the vendors of the assets offered and in some cases their motives were open to question. The career of George Simpson is instructive in this regard.Simpson was a coal master with interests in Lanarkshire and West Lothian. His first venture into the oil industry involved an oil works at Behhar, near Pauldhouse in West Lothian. This was operated by the Caledonian Oil Company which was set up to supply crude oil to a refinery in N o n v a y . O n the failure of this enterprise, Simpson acquired the works on his own account and in 1871 sold it to the newly formed Uphall IHneral Oil Company Ltd., whichhad been set up to take over the assets of a private(245) West Lothian Courier. 28.5.1887, Letter from the Directors of Young’s Paraffin Light & Mineral Oil Co. Ltd. to the shareholders.(246) Vamplew, op. cit.. p. 66.(247) SRO Uphall I^ hneral Oil Co, Ltd., Agreement between George Simpson and the Company, BT2/343/6.138partnership consisting of Simpson, Edward Meldrum, Young’s former partner, and Peter MoLagen, a local landowner and Member of Parliament. The assets included a works at Starlaw, near Bathgate, set up by Simpson and Meldrum in 1868, and a larger venture at Uphall established originally by MoLagen and Simpson, The partners received shares to the value of £93,300 in the new concern, which suffered considerably in the depressed trade conditions of the mid 1870s. The company was re-organised with a reduction in capital in 1877 and was eventually amalgamated with Young’s Company in 1884.In 1878 Simpson acquired mineral leases at Burntisland in Fife and commenced the construction of an oil works. Before completion this, along with the mines and leases, was sold to the Binnend Oil Company for £ 9 3 , 0 0 0 . Simpson was to complete the erection of plant and the sinliing of mines sufficient to cope with 200 tons of shale per day.At £475 per ton of capacity, the price ims almost twice that of the Pumpherston plant. The company did not prosper and was wound up in 1881. The works and mines passed to John Waddell, an Edinburgh contractor, who sold them to a new concern, the Burntisland Oil Conpany for £60,000.The prospectus of the Binnend Oil Company attracted some unfavourable comment. Correspondents in the local(248) Young’s Paraffin Light & Mineral Oil Co. Ltd., îhnute of Agreement concerning Uphall Oil Co. Ltd, Registrar of Companies File 221/32.(249) SRO Binnend Oil Co. Ltd., Agreement between George Simpson and Andrew Graham Yooll, BT2/837/3.(250) SRO Burntibland Oil Co. Ltd., Agreement between Uàddell and the Conpany, BT2/1049A/2.139press pointed out that if, as was claimed, the Binnend shale was similar to that used at Uphall, the superior results predicted for Binnend could only be achieved by superior management. Scepticism was expressed as to this possibility, because the promoter of the Binnend enterprise (Simpson) was actively involved in the management of the Uphall Company which had recently returned a succession of poor results. )Simpson was bankrupt, at the time of the failure of the Benhar and Niddrie Coal Companies, of which he was a director. In 1883 he carried out another scheme similar to Binnend.He was paid £11,000 by the Westfield Oil Company for leases, mines and works at Capeldrae in Fife. The company was wound up in 1886. The nature of Sispson’s part in the enterprise is indicated by comment in the liquidator’s report. Part of a claim by Sinpson was rejected on the grounds that he had not kept his part of an agreement to open up the shale field and that he had deserted the mines and works so that the pit filled up with water.Also in 1883, Sinpson was the vendor in the sale to the Lanark Oil Company of the vvhitelees works of the defunct British Oil and Candle Company, and of the Tarbrax works first operated by E.W. Femie. The price paid was £40,000 The company worked at a loss throughout its life and was wound up in 1886. Sinpson was paid partly in cash and(231) West Lothian Courier. 24.8.1878.(232) SRO Westfield Oil Co. Ltd. Report by Liquidator, BT2/1229/8.(233) SRO Lanark Oil Co. Ltd., Agreement between George Sinpson and the company, BT2/1267/4.140partly in shares, which he sold in February and I#rch 1885 before the firm’s difficulties became public linowledge,The actual value of the works is not clear but it was claimed that the capacity was similar to that of the Pumpherston Company’s recently constructed plant which had cost £72,000.^^^^^ In the prospectus of the Caledonian Mineral Oil Company the works were described as consisting of tim benches of Young and Beilby r e t o r t s , I n 1885, one of these was proved experimentally to have a capacity of 514 tons per week. The worlis may be assumed to have been capable of retorting 150 tons per day. The price paidrepresents £266 per ton of capacity, a figure not very different from other concerns. However, in 1885, only tim years after their acquisition the retorts required expenditure of £15,000 to enable profitable o p e r a t i o n . I t is clear that the works were somewhat over-valued.Simpson became involved in the affairs of the Broxburn Oil Company, The Benhar oil works had passed into the ownership of the Benhar Coal Company of which he was a director. He had also transferred to the Company an agreement with the Broxburn Oil Company for the supply of 300 tons(254) SRO Lanark Oil Co. Ltd., Summary of Capital and Shares, 10.1.1886. BT2/1267/4. Simps on transferred 300 shares on 3*2.1885, 100 on 20.2.1885, 100 on 7*3.1885 and 118 on 20.3*1885, leaving him with no shares at all. The price of the Company’s shares fell from 51s. (£2.55) on 20.2.1885 to 36s, (£1.80) on 30.3.1885* Scotsman. 21,2.1885 and 31*3*1885.(255) Scotsman, 24.12.1885, Annual Meeting of Lanark Oil Co. Ltd.(256) Ibid., 3*6.1889, Prospectus of the Caledonian Mineral Oil Co. Ltd.(257) Ibid.. 28.3*1885, Report of %>ecial Committee of the Snark Oil Co. Ltd.141per day of shale, for use in the Benhar worlcs and in a crude oil works at East Mains near Broxburn. To secure a release from this agreement the Broxburn company agreed to purchase the Benhar and East I%ins works for £ 4 6 , 0 0 0 . The East Mains works was said at the time to require the expenditure of £10,000 for new retorts and the Benhar works was never in fact used by the Broxburn company and was sold back to Simpson through an intermediary in 1885 for £6,500. In their annual report in 1884 the Broxburn directors simply stated that the works had been sold ’at the price at which it stood in the company’s books.In 1885 Simpson again sold the Benhar works, The newly formed West Lothian Oil Company bought the plant along with shale leases at Boghall for £ 2 8 , 5 0 0 . This company was regularly in difficulties and was eventually wound up in 1891. In 1886, at a stormy general meeting, a shareholder urged that ’^it /the company^ should be wrested from the control of the baneful influence of Mr George Simpson, whose upas-tree like character seemed to wither every financial enterprise with which M s name was connected. (A p p l a u s e ) ^ Professor Perkin has expressed the view that the Company Acts of 1856-62 ’were less a mark of confidence in the probity of business men than a recognition that the shareholder as well as the creditor needed to be(258) West L otM^ Courier. 18.9.1880, Report by Directors of Broxbmvi Oil Co. Ltd. to a Special general meeting.(259) SRO Register of Sasines, West LotMan, RS/67/5-(260) SRO West Lothian Oil Co. Ltd. Agreement between George Simpson and the company, BT2/1285/5.(261) Scotsman. 5.6.1886, Annual Meeting of the West LotMan Oil do. Ltd.142protected from the negligence, mismanagement and fraud of the company director.’ Simpson’s activities indicate that such protection was indeed necessary, but that the Company Acts were not able to afford it.The burden of payments to entrepreneurs was not, of course, the sole factor in the success or failure of the oil companies. Size and structure were also important.Professor Payne suggests that size, of itself, was, statistically, of no great importance as a determinant of the length of life of limited companies in nineteenth century Scotland^ ?^ ^^ At first sight this seems equally the case in the specific instance of the shale oil industry. The surviving concerns in 1914 included the largest in the industry, Young’s Paraffin Light and Mineral Oil Company, as well as a company which, throughout its life had been one of the smallest, the Dalmeny Oil Company. However, it is also true that, after 1877, the multitude of very small firms which had existed profitably before the slump of the mid 1870s, found no place in the revival of the later years of the decade. This was almost certainly due, in part at least, to a lack of supplies of shale. klany of the smaller concerns, particularly those near Broxburn, had operated on shale purchased from others, principally from Robert Bell. Bell sold out to the Broxburn Oil Company in 1877 and that concern adopted a policy of mining shale for its exclusive u s e . T l i e small firms(262) Harold Perkin, The Origins of Modem EnMish Society, 1780-iæ0, LoAdon, Ï97Z, p. 4^ ^^ :(263) Payne, Early Scottish Limited Companies, pp. 96-104.(264) West Lothian Courier, 18.9.1880, Purchase of the Benhar Works from' George Sinpson. This transaction was said by the Directors to have been necessary in order to further the policy of not selling shale outside the conpany.143were also inhibited by the high cost of re-equipment with up-to-date plant.After 1877 the industry was very much vertically integrated, i.e. the shale ivas mined and retorted by the same concern, and in many cases the resulting crude oil was refined by them also. There remained a place for companies producing crude oil only, since the larger concerns often had excess refining capacity. For instance the Pumpherston Company bought crude oil from the Holmes Company for several years after commencing b u s i n e s s . Y o u n g ’s Company in 1878 refined 9,680,000 gallons of crude oil in a year when only 8,040,000 gallons were made. The private firm of James Ross and Company prospered as a crude producer supplying the spare refinery capacity of the Broxburn Company.For many years before the First World War the Oakbanli Company absorbed the entire crude oil output of the Dalmeny Company.It is true to say of the surviving concerns in 1914 that three were of considerable size in their own right. The Broxburn Conpany and Young’s company were among the 64 largest limited companies in Scotland in 1 9 0 4 . In 1914, after absorbing the Tarbrax Company, the Pumpherston Company was larger than either of these, The Oakbank Company, although smaller than the rest, was a major concern with a capital of £176,750. Tlie smaller concerns were both closely associated with one or other of the larger companies.(263) Scotsman. 27.5.1883, Directors report of Pumpherston Oil Co. Ltd.(266) West Lothian Courier, 2.11.1873, Young’s Paraffin Light and î'-ilhërai Oil Co. ï»td*(267) Scotsman. 23.10.1903.(268) John Scoirb and Michael Hu^ies, The Anatomy of Scottish Capital. (1980), pp. 56-65*144CHAPTER 4 ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND MANAGEMENTi) WHO WERE THE ENTREPRENUEURS?This aspect of the industry’s development is best considered in two parts. The first will deal with the situation prior to 1877» i.e. when the industry sustained a large number of small production units many of idiich were operated by individuals or small partnerships. After 1877 the industiy consisted largely of limited companies and the entrepreneurial and management functions were exercised in a very different context.Professor Payne has pointed out that there has been no generally accepted definition of entrepreneurship among eco-i nomic historians. On the one hand the term has been held to refer only to large-scale spectacular innovation and on the other to comprise elements of the day to day managerial function. In this section it is hoped that examinationof the exercise of the entrepreneurial and management functions in the oil industry will shed some light on the congplex relationship between them.In a sense the sole example of spectacular innovation in the oil industry is that of James Young and his identification of the possibility of producing lubricating oils from, firstly, natural petroleum, and later from the distillation of camel coal. Subsequent imovation can be described as secondary, in that it was directed toward improvement of(269) Payne, British Entrenreneurshiu. pp. 13-16.145Young’s basic process or the identification of alternative sources of profit therefrom. Although secondary to Young’s contribution, such innovation was of vital importance at several periods in the history of the industry.In the original firm of E.W. Binney & Co., the entrepreneurial function was exercised by the three partners, and the success of the enterprise may be attributed to the blend of available talents. Binney was a lai^ yer and was able to provide or secure the necessary capital. Young and Meldrum were practical chemists. Young had identified the opportunity and the process necessary to exploit it. Meldrum was in charge of the day-to-day management.IVhen Young’s patent expired in 1864 a large number of new concerns commenced oil production. These were an expression of what might be termed imitative entrepreneurship in that they were established to take advantage of the opportunity identified by Young and by Robert Bell who had, coincidentally vrlth Young, discovered the possibility of the extraction of oils from the bituminous shales of the Lothians. As indicated e a r l i e r 44 concerns were operated by a mixture of individuals, partnerships and limited conpanies.Of these only five survived the slwsp of the mid 1870s.Some of the 39 non-survivors went into liquidation. The shale field at Drumcross, to the east of Bathgate, provided two sequestrations in 1867. ^ In 1869 the EdinburghGazette noted the failure of Andrew Taylor, oil manufacturer(270) See p. S'S*.(271 ) Edinburgh Gazette. 28.6.1867 and 9*7*1867146at üphall, and in 1871, that of the Kirkliston Oil Company. However, in many cases, no record of bankruptcy can be found, and in some there is evidence to suggest that operators stoply gave up. Dr Steel continued the practice of medicine in Wishaw after the closure of his Broxburn works in 1868. The Dougal brothers, whose venture into oil manufacture at Blackburn ended in ’abysmal failure’, c o n t i n u e d as iron founders. Local landowners such as Andrew Walker of Hartwood, and Robert Stewart of Westwood, continued in their primary role on the cessation of their oil manufacturing activities. These examples may also indicate that insome instances oil manufacture v/as a secondary occupation for the entrepreneur.Information regarding early entrepreneurs is insufficient to warrant finn conclusions regarding the relationship betv/een the success or failure of a concern and the type of person providing the entrepreneurial skills • The available data is, in the main, confined to that given in the Valuation Rolls and in the files of the limited conpanies. Occasionally, \diere a home address is given, additional information can be obtained from the Census Enumerators ’ Books. The men involved were individual entrepreneurs, members of partnerships, and subscribers to and directors of the small number of limited conpanies. The information does not warrant a(272) Ibid.. 26.1.1869 and 6.6,1871.(273) Butt, Mania, p. 207.(274) SRO Valuation Rolls, Midlothi^, 1884/85, VR 108/21; West Lothian, 1884/85# VR 122/10.147study of "Wie magnitude of that carried out, in relation to the steel and hosiery industries, by Charlotte Erickson.Some tentative conclusions are, however, possible regarding the origins of the early entrepreneurs.The names of individual operators and of partners in joint enteiprises were taken from the Valuation Roll entries for the various works in the Almond valley. Those of the subscribers to and directors of the limited companies were found in the memoranda and articles of association, (^^6)In all the names were found of 51 men who had been individual entrepreneurs or members of partnerships. For 39 of these a previous or concurrent occupation was also indicated.They were therefore arranged in groups according to occupation in Table 4,1.Table 4,1 Individual Entrepreneurs and lumbers of ParteershipsDESIGNATION NUMBERMerchant 10Coal, Iron and Lime Masters 8Landowners 4Members of Professions 4îteiiifactuèers 4Chemists ZClerks 2Craftsmen (Retail Trade) 2Business man 1Colliery manager 1Mineral borer 139(275) Charlotte Erickson, British Industrialists. Steel and Hosiery. 1850-1950. Üamhridgé,(276) ScG Notes (226) and (227) and page148Allocation %vas normally relatively simple although some cases presented a little difficulty. Ebeneezer Femie had, prior to his intervention in the Scottish industry, been concerned in oil manufacture in England and Wales. He had also accumulated a considerable fortune by speculation in mineral leases. (^ ^7) was eventually designated as abusiness man, Robert Calderwood was described in the Memorandum of Association of the Oakbank Oil Company as an oil manufacturer. He had previously been a colliery manager and earlier, a colliery engine keeper and coal miner. He was allocated on the basis of his last occupation before entry into the oil industry, i.e. colliery manager.Ten of the 39 individuals were merchants, none of #iom were involved as individual entrepreneurs. Nine were members of partnerships and one, Robert Fraser, was the lessee of an oil works at Drumcross whern he sub-let the working to Robert Calderwood. None had any obvious local connection. Three were located in Edinburgh, six in Glasgow and the West of Scotland, and for the other no address was found. Seven were described simply as merchants, one as an oil merchant and one as a coal merchant.Of the eight coal, iron and lime masters, five had local connections. George Gray was the lessee of the lime works at Leavenseat near West Calder, in association with(277) John Butt, Technical Change, p. 518.(278) Census of Scotland, 1871, I4id Calder Parish, District 5, Schedule 85, provides the basis for tracing the birth registrations of Caldenmod’s five sons and two daughters. These provide his occupation at the times of their births, from 1856 to 1870.149which he mined and retorted the local shale. He was also involved in coal mining in the adjacent parish of Gamwath. George Simpson was a coal master at Benhar, near Whitburn in West LotMan, In partnersMp with Edward Meldrum, he established the Boghall works near Bathgate and was later a partner in the %hall Mineral Oil Company, At Benhar he was a member of the partnership known as the Caledonian Oil Company. The Watson Brothers of Armadale and theGrangepans firm of John Wimmo and Sons were coal masters on a considerable scale and engaged in oil manufacture for short periods. The Thornton family of Crofthead, near Fauldhouse, West LotMan, were farmers, coal and lime masters and indeed were involved in much of the economic activity in the area.The landowners were a H local men. Andrew Walker exploited the shales on M s estate of Hartwood, near West Calder, as an individual from 1869 to 1873* Robert Stewart of Westwood worked the shale on M s land as a member of a private partnership, John P. Raeburn of Charlesfield, near Mid Calder and Peter MoLagen of Pumpherston both commenced as individual entrepreneurs, eventually becoming involved in limited companies.The professional men included a Wishaw doctor, two bankers and a lecturer in geology. Among the manufacturers were, from Glasgow, an iron tube manufacturer and an undefined manufacturer, a family of ironfounders from Baidigate, and a(279) Vamplew, on, cit, pp, 66-7*150bone meal maker from Broxburn, The two chemists were James Young and his paarfcner, Edward Meldrum, Tlie business man was E ,¥ • Femie # The craftsmen were a carver and gilder and a retired coach builder, both from Edinburgh. The two clerks were the sons of the Earl of Rosebery’s factor.It is clear that the early entrepreneurs were dram from the ranks of "khose already engaged in economic activity, both locally and in Scotland generally. The availa.hle evidence indicates that few of the non-indigenous entrepreneurs were actively involved in the management of their works, An exception was Jonathan Hyslop, a Wishaw coal master and civil engineer, who took up residence at Cobbinshaw to manage the firm in which he was a partner.The Thornton family was able to provide supervision from among its members for its numerous enterprises. Many of the smaller entrepreneurs would, however, have been dependent on paid management. Dr James Steel, the owner of a small works in Broxburn from 1865 to 1868, was at the same time a general practitioner in Wishaw. James Miller operated a works at Broxburn from 1868 to 1873 and was a banker and property factor, also in Wishaw, It is doubtful if such men would have been able to devote much time to active management. Examination of the manuscript census books for the area reveals that in 1871 there were fourteen men described as oil works managers and nine as overseers or foremen. With 25 works in operation in 1871 this confirms that relatively few could have been managed by the entrepreneur in person.With regard to the limited companies information on the entrepreneurs was obtained from the files maintained by the Registrar of Companies, These men fall into two groups. The'first consists of those representing themselves as desirous of forming a limited company, i.e. the subscribers to the memorandum of association of the cospany. The second group comprised the conpany directors. A list of the first directors of a company is given in the articles of association. For any one company the t\m groups normally overlap to some extent. Among the oil companies, the two groups were completely different only in the case of the Holmes Cocpany*The names of 82 subscribers and directors were found in the files of the thirteen limited companies registered in the period up to 1876. For 75 of these an occupation also was given, and they are airanged in Table 4.2,Table 4.2; Entrepreneurs Involved in Limited Companies1863 to 1876DESIGNATIONMerchant Professions Landowners Coal etc. MastersManufacturersïfeaagement / ^Army Officers (serving & retired/Officers of Public CompaniesChemistsClericsBuildersRetail TradersFarmerLand StewardEstate AgentAuctioneerShipbrokerInspector of PoorimMBER2413144432 2 2 275(280) See pp. 124-5 and notes (226) and (227).152As in the case of entrepreneurs associated with the non-incorporated enteiprises, there is a predominance of men with no actual experience in the industry. The largest group is the merchants, nearly one third of the total. The thirteen professional men comprise three civil engineers, four lawyers, one banker, one accountant, three medical men and one professor of chemistry. It is clear that the major initiative in the early limited companies came from the commercial and industrial community, with a smaller contribution from other influential sections of soceity, e.g. the landed interest.A similar analysis was made of those involved in the later limited coupantes, The results of this are shown in Table 4.3 on page 153* 192 men were identified from theconpany files and for 142, an occupation or description was also found. In the main, the spread of occupations is much the same as for the earlier period. It is possibly not without significance that in Table 4.1, ten of the 39 entrepreneurs were merchants; in Table 4.2, 24 out of the 75 were so described. Bearing in mind that all the merchants listed in Table 4.1 were members of partnerships rather than individual entrepreneurs, there is some evidence that even in its earliest stages, the oil industry provided examples of that division of omership and control typical of the later stages of industrial development. The increasing involvement of members of the professions may also signify this, although it may, in part at least, be due to the growth in size of153some professions at this period. ^Relatively few of the individual entrepreneurs of the earlier period were involved in the management of the limited companies set up after 1876* Exceptions included the Thorntons of Crofthead, Leavenseat and Hermand who participated in the Hermand Oil Company; George Sinpson of Braehead who initiated the Binnend Oil Company and Robert Bell vdio was the first chairman of the Broxburn Oil Company*Table 4*3: Entrepreneurs Involved in Limited Conpanies1876 to 1914DESIGNATION NUMBERMerchant 53Professions 33Coal, lime or iron master 11Management 10Manufacturer 7Retail traders 7Clerks 6Officers of Public Conpanies 4Builders 4Farmers 4Land Steward/Factor 3Printers ^ 5Gentlemen " 3Brewers 2Contractors 2Land valuer 1Coal salesman 1Inspector of Schools 1Men&er of Parliament 1Shipowner 1Lloyds underwriter 1Wine merchant 1Seedsman 1Publisher 1Commission agent 1142(281) David Kynaston, King Labour, the British Working: Class. 1850-1914, p* 67. Numbering 672,000 in 1651, the professional middle classes had grown to 684,000 twenty years later. .154il) THE QUALITY OP ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND MANAGEMENTIn recent years one of the major subjects of scholarly debate has concerned the relatively poor performance of British industry in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries, The decline has been attributed by some commentators largely to the poor quality of British entrepreneurs. ÎHiis has, in turn, been identified as the result of the sons and grandsons of the founders of firms being less actively involved in enteiprises forming their inheritance. Tbis hypothesis has been challenged by the assertion that the decline of Britain *s share of world trade was inevitable as industry developed in other countries. Native sources of raw materials were also becoming exhausted.There remains, however, a strong body of opinion that the major cause of the decline lay in entrepreneurial failure.One of the criteria applied in the course of this debate is that of the entrepreneurs * readiness to adopt new technif ques. In this respect the oil industry in general, at all stages of its development, performed very well. Indeed the industry has been cited as an example of the successful identification of opportunity and of the application of new techniques to the problems of modem industry. ^ Examplescan be found in all sections of the industry's activities.As indicated earlier (pages 84^6 ), productivity in shale mines increased substantially over the period from 1875 to 1914. In 1875 1,077 miners produced a total of 577,108(282) Payne, British Entrepreneurship is an extremely useful summary of the argumient.(285) R.H. Campbell, Scotland Since 1707 the Rise of an Industrial SocietvT OBc^ oird, f^VlI p. S4^.155tons of shale, an average of 350 tons per man year. In 1913 output was at the rate of 635 tons per man year, an increase of more than 80 per cent. Over the same period productivity in the coal industry remained virtually static.In 1874 in Britain, 246 tons per man year were produced, while in Scotland the figure was 278 tons. In 1913, the comparable figures were, for Britain 260 tons, and for Scotland 287 tons.^^®^^The poor performance of the coal industry has been explained, in part at least, by a failure to invest in mechanical coal cutting techniques. However, the(284) A.J. Taylor, 'Labour Productivity and technological Innovation in the British Coal Industry, 1850-1914’, Economic History Review. 2nd Series, Vol. XIV, pp. 68- 91 A. ^aven^, %rnings and Productivity in the Scottish Coal Mining Industry’, in P.L. Payne (Ed.), Studies in Scottish Business History. London, p. 243.(285) T.J. Byres, Entrepreneurship in the Scottish Heavy Industries, 1870-1900, in P.L. Payne (Ed.), Studies in Scottish Business History (London, 1967), pp."2$4-B; tetliias. on. cit.. no. 409-1Qs The evidence of the shale industry on the question of the contribution to productivity of cutting machinery is inconclusive, and is based mainly on the experience of their use at Dalmeny. The manpower statistics in the Msts of Mines and the output data in the Rosebery Ëstates Rental Ledgers have been used to produce the followingtable; ;^ en Employed o^tnut t)erYear Above and Shale ProducedBelow Ground Man/Year1896 176 113,016 6421898 166 88,598 533111 ISîisi I t Si1905 269 146)995 5461906 266 140,900 5291907 273 130,457 4771908 299 126,478 42319Ce 274 152,964 5581910 263 137,379 5221911 284 119,852 4221912 329 100,945 3061913 284 127,122 4471914 326 136,259 417156productivity of the shale mines cannot be explained by the use of such machinery. The Lists of IHn.es issued by the Home Office indicate that it was in use in two shale mines only, and in these for only short periods. At the Starlaw mine of the Pumpherston company cutting machines were used in 1905, and at Dalmeny they were operated from 1907 to 1909*Shale mines were, however, among the first to adoptelectrical haulage and ventilation. In 1905 electricity was installed at twelve out of 21 mines. The Tarbrax mine was the first in Scotland in which electrical winding v/as applied to a vertical shaft.The use of modern machinery might be explained by thefact that, in the early twentieth century, many of the shalemines were relatively new sinkings* For example, the . Tarbrax mines were opened in 1905 and those of the Oakbank Company at Duddingston in 1902. It seems safe to assume that a concern engaged in the sinking of a new mine would readily adopt the latest available machinery. Inhere thereIt is clear that while cutting machines were in use from 1907 to 1909, there was no increase in productivity.At the same time, it must be said that Dalmeny mine experienced considerable geological difficulties due to a major fault running throu^ the shale field. , A ’creep’ in the workings had also given rise to problems * New mines were opened in 1911 but this had no immediate beneficial effect. The tonnage per man-year from 1907 to 1909 when cutting machines were in use is significantly below the industry average (1907 - 625, 1908 - 658, 1909 - 664). The other difficulties make it impossible to draw any firm conclusions as to the worth of the machines. The evidence does however, clearly indicate tlie impact on productivity of adverse geological conditions.(286) Conacher, Geolgocial Survev. p. 260. Electric drillswere also used in the ¥orüig of shot-holes. W. Caldwell, ’Methods of Working the Oil Amies’, Oil Shales of the Lothians. 2nd Edition, 1912, pp. 103-4.157was large capital sunk in obsolescent but still usable plant, no incentive to modernisation would exist. It must be said, however, tliat the experience of operating new mines with electricity rapidly convinced the shale oil companies of its cheapness relative to steam. The published company reports of the early twentieth century contain frequent references to this and to decisions to electrify existing mines.A newly sunk mine is also more economical of labour than an established working. With the lapse of time, the increasing distance between the working faces and the mine entrance involves additional costs in haulage and in maintenance.However the main factor leading to the high productivity of the shale mines must be the fact that at the turn of the century, the seams worked were, compared with coal measures, very thick, in many cases up to eighteen feet. The stoop and room method of extraction was ideally suited to these conditions and shale was inherently more suited than coal to extraction by blasting. In 1910 in Scotland, 7,155,204 pounds of explosives were used in coal mines in the extraction of 46,205,552 tons of coal,^^^®^ an average of 0.15 pounds per ton. At the same period in shale mines a day’s work in a ’blasting’ seam involved the use of 375 pounds of gunpowder to obtain 475 tons of s h a l e , a n average of 0.79 pounds per ton.(287) Scotsman. 25.5.1905, Annual Meeting of Pumpherston Oil Co. IStf.? Ibid.. 31.5.1911: Scotsman. 13.6.1907.Annual Meeting of Young’s Paraffin Light & Mineral Oil Co. Ltd.; Ibid.. 1.6.1904, Directors’ Report; Glasgow Herald. 9*5.1904, Directors’ Report of Broxburn Oil Co. Xtd.(288) Inspector of Mines (Scotland) Report, 1910, PP, 1911, Vol. XXXVI, pp. 7 and 31.(289) W. Caldwell, ’Methods of Working the Oil Shales’, Oil Shales of the Lothians. Edinburgh, 1906, p. 110.158111 other branches of the industry new methods were readily adopted by the successful companies. It cannot beclaimed, however, that the industry as a whole was an exanple of progressive behaviour. As indicated earlier (pp. 80-1 and 87-9 ), the main developments were in the processing of the shale. The design of new retorts proceeded fairly steadily throughout the life of the industry but adoption was not always at the optimum time.A very large number of improvements in retorting were the subject of patent applications. However, only fourresulted in major changes in the industry. After Young’s original patent the first major improvement was the adoption of the vertical retort vdiich had a much greater throughput than the horizontal model first used in the industry. It , also produced a higher proportion of solid paraffin for which there was a growing market in the 1860s and 1870s. It was widely adopted by the major concerns although horizontal retorts remained in use by small operators until 1877*Further major developments consisted of improvements in the vertical retort.The first was that patented in 1873 by Norman Henderson, at that time manager of the Oalcbank oil works. It was the result of experiment aimed at a reduction in fuel and labour costs and at the production of a more uniform product not susceptible to variation at the hands of unskilled or careless operatives.Apaart from a trial bench at Oakbanlc, the(290) Redwood, op. cit.. pp. 261-325, Up to 1889, 63 patents relating to retorts had been recorded.(291) Beilby, op. cit.. pp. 876-8. West Lothian Courier.31.5.187$; 776,1879; 14.6.1879;~^8%. 18Ÿ9 and 5*ŸVf8Sr9 contains correspondence between Norman Henderson and William Young of the Clippens Oil Co. Ltd, which fullyy describes these experiments and at the same time illustrates the often acrimonious nature of the competition between inventors,159new model was not immediately adopted. It was produced at a time when prices and production were in decline, making it difficult to justify expenditure on new plant. When a recovery took place in 1877, the established concerns were able to obtain satisfactory results from existing equipment and the new retort was again neglected.The situation was different with new enterprises. TheBroxburn Oil Company was incorporated in 1877 to consolidate the activities of the small concerns around Broxburn. It had inherited a motley collection of equipment operated for some months by the new coup any at a considerable loss.^^^^^ There was, in this case, a very pressing need for new equipment. Norman Henderson had been appointed manager and it was therefore natural that the new concern should adopt his 1873 patent. As indicated in Table 2.1, the new venture was a considerable commercial success and this naturally inspired imitators. The two largest were the Burntisland and Linlithgow companies, neither of idiich was in full operation until 1884, when the Young and Beilby patent had become available. This was designed to improve the yield of sulphate of ammonia, an increasingly valuable and important product. Both new companies started life with virtually new but obsolete equipment, placing them at a considerable disadvantage in competition with concerns established after 1884. The Linlithgow Company survived until 1902, but the Fife concern failed in 1892.(292) Henderson, op. cit.. p. 984.160This lack of good judgement was not confined to new- comers to the industry. The Uphall Company and Young’s Company commenced installation of the Henderson retort only in 1880, and at the time of their amalgamation in 1884 were still engaged in replacement of obsolete plant with Henderson retorts after the further improved Young and Beilby version had become available. Similarly when the Bryson retort became available in 1895, Young’s company was engaged in replacing Henderson retorts with Young and Beilby plant, and was unable to utilise the latest improvement until 1899.In the case of the new concerns such occurrences were siirply entrepreneurial misjudgements and can be fairly criticised as such. In the case of the established companies the position is rather more complex. Entrepreneurial decisions regarding plant replacement were inevitably influenced by existing equipment, often still capable of profitable operation, and also by the financial health of the company. There are obvious links between the entrepreneurial and the management functions. In the exploration of these the shale-oil industry offers some interesting contrasts in the experiences of various companies.In the years from 1878 to 1906, the Broxburn company, one of the trade leaders, incurred capital expenditure of over £600,000. At the same time £420,000 was set aside from revenue for depreciation. This includes £72,000 of premiums on new share issues. Several extensions to the works were carried out and a completely new crude oil works was built at Roman Camp. The increase in capacity is reflected in the161growth of issued capital from £96,000 in 1878 to £299,750 in 1906. Over the period £47,000 was transferred from revenue to reserve and from 1894 onwards, £130,000 was credited to a retort renewal fund. It is clear that replacement of existing capacity was regularly made and charged against revenue « Qily expenditure resulting in an increase in capacity was financed by new capital issues.(^93) conpany’s operations and entrepreneurial decisions were never subject to financial constraint.The experience of the Linlithgow company is very different. This concern was incorporated in 1884 and published its first accounts in 1886. From then until 1902, when it was wound up, funds were allocated to depreciation on only five occasions, involving a total of only £17,000.£3,000 was credited to a retort renewal fund. Over the period, capital expenditure of £57,000 was incurred for the renewal of existing capacity. The necessary funds were raised by twice reducing the value of the company’s issued capital to make room for debentures and preference shares • m en the latter were issued in 1892, only £27,206 was taken up out of £50,000 despite a rate of interest of 7 per cent, i.e. 1 per cent above the normal rate.^^^^^Entrepreneurial decisions regarding the need for, and the timing of, replacement of plant were obviously influenced(293) See Appendix, Tabes 2 and 5.(294) SRO Linlithgow Oil Co. Ltd., Summary of Capital and Shares, 1893, BT2/1351/25; at about the same time the i^pherston Oil Co. Ltd. was able to make a successful issue of £100,000 of 6 per cent Preference shares. Pumpherston Oil Co. Ltd., Summaries of Capital and Shares, 1891 to 1896, Registrar of Companies File 1295/ 20-27.162by the availability of the necessary finance. This, in turn, was dependent on entrepreneurial decisions regarding the distribution of profit, the amount of which was, to a large extent, influenced by managerial efficiency. In the Broxburn Company, entrepreneurial and managerial skills appear to have been of a high order. During a period in which over £600,000 was spent on capital projects, shareholders missed a dividend on only two occasions. In fact dividends totalled over £800,000. In this respect also, the Linlithgow Company exhibits a considerable contrast.The small allocation to depreciation was not due to a lavish declaration of dividends. In fact shareholders received only two payments, a total of £5,000. This concern was, of course, handicapped by its early investment in the obsolescent Henderson retort, but scrutiny of the company proceedings also indicates management deficiencies. The general meeting of 1892 was very much concerned with criticism of the works management. It was alleged that oil vapour from the retorts had been allowed to escape to the atmosphere along with the furnace fumes. This and other allegations of inefficient management were admitted by the directors and attributed to faults in the late manager, who among other failings, had not ’got on very well with the men’. It was also admitted that the retorts had been misused and required to be rebuilt and repaired. ^Similar instances of mismanagement can be found in other companies. A general meeting of the Lanark Company(295) Scotsman. 24.5.1882, Annual Meeting of the Linlithgow Oil Co. Ltd.165was told that ’operations were being conducted at a loss, and that the management at the crude oil works and the refinery did not work harmoniously ’. The directors ofthe Oakbanlc Company reported in 1892 that bad results were unexpected, because of falsification of returns made to conceal defective working of retorts.The difficulties experienced by such conpanies illustrate to some extent the differences in the exercise ' of the entrepreneurial function between the limited company and the individual enterprise or private partnership. The obvious example of the latter is the firm of E.W. Binney and Company. In this all aspects of the entrepreneurial function were performed within the partnership of three men. Young provided the idea and suggested the methods by which it could be exploited; Binney supplied the capital and Meldrum managed the works and provided some of the technical expertise to overcome problems of detail in the translation of Young’s concept into a workable process. All three were vitally interested in the success of the partnership.In the limited companies the exercise of the entrepreneurial function took a more complex form. As indicated earlier, the capital was provided by large numbers of shareholders. Thus, in some cases, this aspect of entrepreneurship involved several hundred persons. The task of introducing capital to a suitable opportunity was the function of(296) Ibid.. 28.5.1885, Special Committee of the Lanark Oil CoTlLtd.(297) Ibid.. 10,5*1892, Directors Report of the Oakbanli Oil Co. Ltd.164the company promoter. As we saw (pp. 137-42), such men might very well have had motives other than the establishment of a permanent production unit. In any case the price exacted for the performance of this function was often high, and in some cases was a distinct encumbrance on the company. The managerial function, in the case of the limited company, was performed at two levels. The board of directors was responsible for policy decisions affecting the general direction of the company’s activities. At this level entrepreneurial decisions could effectively be pre-empted by decisions of promoters. For instance the Linlithgow Oil Company was formed to take over a mineral lease negotiated by the promoters, with provision for a royalty of nine pence (£0.00375) per ton, a reasonable and normal rate for the Broxburn shales thought to be contained in the lease. After a few years working the quality deteriorated and the royalty became quite unrealistic. Decisions regarding the type of plant to be used also had a lasting effect on this company.This division of the entrepreneurial function should be one of the advantages of limited liability. No longer is it necessary for one man to provide the capital, ideas and managerial skill. In a limited company these functions can be performed by different persons with a resulting increase in efficiency. The high level of failure among the limited companies in the oil industry suggests that this was not necessarily always the case, and that, although the limited company performed with some success the function of capital provision, it was not inherently more efficient than the165individual or pairfcnership in the other entrepreneurial functions. The reasons for this may be found in the difficulties encountered in associating the different roles within a conpany and in the motivation of individuals performing them.The link between the various functions was the board of directors. It supervised the management and carried out policies laid down by the company at general meetings of the shareholders. In practice policy decisions were initiated in the directors’ report and accepted uncritically by the shareholders. IVhere criticism of the directors was made it was rarely pressed to the ultimate conclusion. The forced resignation of the board of the West Lothian Company in 1886 is the sole example. The admissions of inefficiency by the directors of the Linlithgow Company in 1892 were followed by the re-election of the retiring directors.The conduct of a company’s affairs may well have been affected by speculation in its shares. In 1886 more than14,000 shares in the West Lothian Company changed hands.The company was admittedly in difficulties and some, at least, of this activity may well be attributable to a 25 per cent reduction in capital in November 1 8 8 6 . However, there was considerable activity in the shares of less troubled concerns. In 1890 there were 123 separate transactions in the shares of the highly prosperous Broxburn C o m p a n y . ) The effect of such transactions is to a(298) See Note (295).(299) SRO West Lothian Oil Co. Ltd., BT2/1285/9.(300) m o West Lothian Oil Co. Ltd., Resolution for Reduction of Capital, BT2/1285/9.(301) Registrar of Companies, Broxburn Oil Co. Ltd., Summary of Capital and Shares, 1890, File 792/55.166a considerable extent imponderable, but it can be shown that some boards came under pressure from shareholders because of stock market fluctuations. At the annual general meeting in 1900 of the Broxburn Company, a shareholder complained of the dividend being only 20 per cent and commented on the fact that the company’s shares stood at a lower figure than those of the rival Pumpherston Company. At the generalmeeting of the same company in 1885, a shareholder remarked that the directors could, with safety, have declared 5 per cent more of a dividend, and, in reference to a transfer of profit to reserve, said that ’posterity had done nothing for them, and they did not want to accumulate money for those who might succeed them. Although in neither of theseinstances was the complaint supported by a majority of shareholders, the expression of such opinions may have affected the conduct of directors. The Scotsman in 1890 deplored the charging to capital account of expenditure which should properly have been met from revenue, and recommended boards to ’draw a safe line between capital and revenue expenditure, and to avoid, what has clearly been a mistake in the past, paying greater dividends than the circumstances warranted.Directors themselves were shareholders and as such might have been expected to have the same interest in the success of a company. Situations could, however, arise in which the interests of directors might be opposed to those(502) Scotsman. 24.5.1900.(305) Ibid.. 21.5.1885,(504) Ibid.. 1.7.1890, The Scottish Oil Companies167of ordinary shareholders. The directors enjoyed, in their fees, a source of income from the company, independent of its profits. These did not, in most cases, amount to more than a hundred pounds per year, but they were often larger than a director’s dividends on shares. They might therefore have been considered an incentive to keep a conpany alive in circumstances in which it might have been in the interests of shareholders to liquidate. This dichotomy of interest may well have been intensified by the issue of debenture stock. In many cases these loans were subscribed to by directors as a manifest of their faith in the prospects of the company. In the crisis year of 1887, the shareholders of Young’s Company were informed that the directors, their relatives and personal friends held ordinary shares to the value of £241,731 and debentures and other loans of £ 1 9 1 , 9 2 5 . In 1888, the ordinary share was reduced from £8.10s to £3 and in 1889 the dividend on ordinary shares was £16,329 while £26,283 was paid in interest on debenture l o a n s . I t could be argued that holding a large part of this privileged stock might have influenced directors in ways not always in the interests of ordinary shareholders. Directors and managers of the Pumpherston Company are also known to have made considerable loans to the company.(305) Scotsman. 26.5.1887, Young’s Paraffin Light & Mineral Oil do. Ltd., Circular to Shareholders.(306) Scotsman. 23.5.1889, Accounts of Young’s Paraffin Light K Mineral Oil Co. Ltd.(307) Pumpherston Oil Co. Ltd., General Journal No. 2, pp. 266-7, shows that out of £1,011 paid in interest charges in the half-year ended 15.5.1899, £691 was paid to directors of the conpany and their wives.168Directorships were essentially part-time occupations. Some measure of the level of involvement is inplicit in the report to a general meeting of Young’s CoEpany in which it was said that, ’Recently the directors spent a v/hole dav at the Company’s w o r k s ( m y emphasis). Many of the directors in the oil industry were also entrepreneurs in other industries. The board of the Pumpherston Company, at most times, had a representative of the Craig family of Paisley, who were engineers and supplied the company with much of its plant. The industry was also a large user of coal^^O^) and it is not suiprising to find coal masters as directors of oil conpanies. James Wood of Wallhouse, near Bathgate, was for many years chairman of the Pumpherston Company.The day-to-day management of the companies, on which their success ultimately depended, was therefore left to paid management. Some exanples of its inefficiency have already been discussed, and it is now appropriate to consider dome of the successful concerns. At various times the leading firms in the industry were Young’s Company, the Broxburn Company and finally the Pumpherston Company. It is of obvious interest to attempt to discover in what way their management differed from that of less successful concerns. The founder of Young’s Company was, of course, James Young who remained a director of the company till 1870 and supervised the construction and operation of the plant at(308) Scotsman. 18.6.1891, Annual Meeting of Young’s Paraffin kJfght à IHneral Oil Co. ltd.(309) Ibid.. 2.6.1902, Directors Report of Young’s Paraffin light & Mineral Oil Co. Ltd. In the year reported upon consumption of coal had declined from 200,000 tons to 155,000 tons.169Addiewell. Yoimg’s merits as an entrepreneurial figure need no elaboration.The prime mover in the formation of the Broxburn Company was William Kennedy who remained managing director until his death in 1899. He was ^mtive of the Upper Ward of Lanark. In 1853, at the age of sixteen and having completed a four year apprenticeship with a merchant in Biggar, he came to Glasgow and spent some years in the employment of a firm of ironmongers, for whom he was latterly engaged in selling paraffin oil throughout Scotland and Ireland. In 1861 he joined the West Calder Oil Conpany and in 1868 became the general manager of the newly formed Oakbank Oil Company where he remained until the formation of the Broxburn Company in 1877. This company had as its first chief executive a man with experience stretching over more than twenty years, in all branches of the industry. At Oakbank, Kennedy had worked with Norman Henderson, and the latter \ms persuaded to join the Broxburn company as general manager. Henderson was bom in Bathgate and at the age of twelve was apprenticed to a local joiner and millwright. At the end of this apprenticeship he joined the Shotts Iron Company and acquired some experience as an engineer. In 1861 he started work with E.W. Binney and Company at Bathgate, and spent eight years there as assistant and draughtsman to Alexander C. Kirk the works manager. Kirk later achieved some considerable fame as an engineer and shipbuilder in Glasgow where he became the senior partner in R. Napier and170Henderson became manager of the Oakbank Works in 1869 and remained in charge until his removal to Broxbum in 1877* Henderson \m.s responsible for the design and con^ struction of the new company’s works, and for much of its plant.The Punpherston Company was similarly fortunate in its management. Apart from a period of some months in 1887, William Fraser was managing director of the company from 1884 until after the First World War. He had been a colliery manager and for some years before 1884 was involved in the management of the Uphall Oil Company. From 1887 onwards the Pumpherston Company enjoyed the services of James Bryson as general manager. He had previously been employed as an engineer at an iron foundry in Larbert.With Fraser and James Jones of Dalmeny he was responsible for the design of the retort which ensured the success of the company in the years before the Great War.The Oakbank Company in its formative years had the services, in its senior management posts, of Kennedy and Henderson. They were succeeded by men such as George Beilby, the co-designer of the retort which was the basis of the industry’s success in the 1880s. In the period of expansion in the first decade of the timntieth century, the(310) T.J. Byres, ’Entrepreneurship in the Scottish Heavy Industries, 1870-1900’, in P.L. Payne (Ed.) Studies in Scottish Business History. (London, 1967), p. 2%.(311) Oils Colours and Drysalteries. 15.7.1895, Round about GlSgow, a visit W the Works of the Broxburn Oil Co. Ltd.(312) West Lothian Coyier. 19.4.1890, Boiler Explosion at Punpnerston. Bryson was stated to have been in charge of an ironworks,171company’s general manager was Alexander C. Thomson, a man with a long experience of the industry dating back to 1884 v/hen he was manager of the Pumpherston oil w o r k s . T h e directors of the company at the same time included James Jones who had been in charge of the Dalmeny Oil Company since 1873,Jones was a native of Airdrie and had been a foreman engineer in a chemical works, probably one or other of the Bathgate or Addiewell establishments of Young’s C o m p a n y . T h e private concern, James Ross and Company, was for most of its existence, under the control of Alexander H. Crichton and his son Robert, who became the managing director of Scottish Oils Limited, v;hen the surviving firms were amalgamated after the Great War.Such men were the individuals vdthin limited companies who exercised the entrepreneurial function in its broadest sense, that of the identification of an opportunity, the provision of the means for its exploitation in terms of technology and resources and the supervision of that exploitation to ensure that further opportunities were not neglected. In the early Industrial Revolution the individual entrepreneur was rewarded for these efforts by a lion’s share of the profits of the enterprise, In the shale oil industry prime examples of such rewards are the partners in the original(313) Scotsman. 3.6.1889, Prospectus of the Caledonian Miheral Oil Co. Ltd.(314) SRO Valuation Rolls, County of West Lothian, Dalmeny Parish, item 13, VR 122/13, p* 53 • Jones is shown as the occupier of the manager’s house at Dalmeny Oil Works.(315.) Census of Scotland, Parish of Whitburn, District 4, Schedule 114.172firm of E.W. Binney and Company. James Young and Edward Meldnim became wealthy men able to live in some style and to purchase landed estates. In the case of the limited companies profits were distributed to shareholders most of whom had no connection with the management of the concern. Alternative methods of rewarding the corporate entrepreneur were necessary.The purely financial remuneration was, of course, important, but there was also a less tangible reward of status in the community and the industry. In several instances men connected with the shale oil conpanies achieved considerable status. Norman Henderson was a county councillor, was chairman or president of many local organisations and was evidently a respected figure in the local community. In his professional capacity he was held in high regard in a much wider sphere. In 1886 he was awarded a gold medal at the Exhibition of Industry, Science and Art in Edinburgh, for his achievements in the design of plant.In 1904, he was one of only two men connected with the shale- oil industry to receive a mention in Pike’s Contemporary Biographies (the other was Sir James Steel, chairman of the Broxburn Company, who owed his entry more to the fact that he was Lord Provost of Edinburg). George Beilby, Henderson’s successor as manager of the Oalibank works, and co-designer of the Young and Beilby retort, achieved some renown in the field of technical chemistry. He was for some years chairman of the Scottish section of the Society of Chemical Industry and eventually became president of the Society as Sir George Beilby.173The financial rewards present some little difficulty.No contracts or salary statements are available. In 1872 the Scottish Mineral Oil and Coal Company proposed a salary of £1,000 per year for a general manager. In 1873,the manager of Joseph Townsend’s oil works in Glasgow received £300 per annum. That the later companies werenot given to extravagance in this respect is confirmed by the arrangements made for the appointment of an assistant manager by the Broxburn Company. In 1897, Norman Henderson who had been the conpany’s worlds manager for twenty years, expressed a wish to retire because of failing eyesight. He was prevailed upon to carry on and the foreman engineer was appointed as his assistant. The directors reported that the arrangements had been made without any increased cost to the company. Most of the men under discussion wouldhave received fees as directors of the companies but this would not have amounted to more than £200 or £300 per year.^^^^^ At his death in 1917 Norman Henderson left an estate of £73,000. This sum could not have been accumulated from a modest salary. Henderson ivas the holder of patents for(316) SRO Scottish Mineral Oil and Coal Co. Ltd. Articles of Association, clause 43, BT2/447/2.(317) West Lothian Courier. 20.9.1873. report of Bankruptcy of A:W." ' Œ T W V e s t Lothian Oil Co. Ltd., Liquidator’s Report, BT2/1285/20, states that a claim by the late manager, John Hutchison for wrongful dismissal was settled for £30 “vdiich represented t\m months salary.(318) Scotsman. 20.5.1897, Annual Meeting of Broxburn Oil Co.T M l(319) gcotsmyi. 31.5.1894, Annual Meeting of Pumpherston Oil BoTTESTT, directors’ fees of £600 were divided between 6 directors; Ibid.. 28.5*1910, fees of 1,600 guineas were paid to 6 directors.174the retort bearing his name, for a system of continuous distillation and for the wax sweating process. Henderson was exceptional in that he patented so many successful, widely adopted designs, but many o'kher managers introduced improvements and no doubt benefited financially in so doing. Redwood’s list of oil related patents contains the names of ten men who can be positively identified as occupying managerial positions in the industry.The amount of money involved in such royalty payments can be approximately estimated. Payments were made either as an annual sum or as a Imp sum conferring the right to use the patent in perpetuity. In 1885, the Clippens Company, employers of William Young, co-designer of the Pentland retort, showed as its share of the profits on that retort the sum of £2,900, made up of £1,900 as the firm’s share of the patent rights and £1,000 saved by not having to pay royalties on those used by the company. In 1885, this concern measured by the size of its mines labour force, comprised about one sixth of the industry, indicating that as much as £6,000 per year may have been paid in royalties on retorts a l o n e . I n 1890 a rate of 1i pence (£0.00625) per ton of shale processed was quoted, which would, ifapplied uniformly to the total usage, have resulted in a payment of the order of £12,500 per year. In 1881, the(520) Redwood, op. cit,, pp. 261-325.(521) Scotsman. 15.5.1885, Annual Meeting of Clippens Oil Co Ltd.(522) West Lotliian Courier. 30.8.1890, Young and Beilby v. Hermand Oil Co. Ltd."175Burntisland Company paid £2,000 for the right to use the Henderson retort in perpetuity.The amounts paid must, over the years, have been substantial. They were large enough to cause resentment. In 1889 the chairman of one company said that it was 'disgusting to find they could hardly move in any direction without having to pay excessive royalties to men who, as managers of works, had procured patents for everything connected with the t r a d e * . T h e Clippens Company report quoted earlier inplies that a patent holder’s employers did not pay for the use of the patent, and indeed may have shared in the profits from it. If this was the general practice it meant that the concerns enjoying the greatest benefit from innovations were able to do so at no cost to themselves. The initiative was rewarded by the less successful companies.Some of these men were able to speculate in mineral leases. William Fraser received 2,000 shares with £7.10s (£7.50) paid on each when he transferred the Pumpherston minerals to the new company. He subsequently acquiredthe works and mineral leases of the defunct West Lothian Conpany which he sold to the Pumpherston Company for £7,500 paid in preference s h a r e s . I n 1904 Fraser came into the possession of the Tarbrax works and minerals formerly(323) SRO Burntisland Oil Co. Ltd., Agreement betweenJ. Waddell and the company, BT2/1049A/2; Scotsman. 4.5.1896, Report of Directors of the Oalcbank" Oil Co. Ltd. The company had paid £5,000 for the right to use the Henderson Patent for continuous distillation.(324) Scotsman. 17.5*1889, Annual Meeting of Hermand Oil Co KdT(325) Registrar of Conpanies, Pumphez^ton Oil Co. Ltd., Summary of Capital and Shares, 1884, File 1295/4.(326) XbiHv, Agreement between W. Fraser and the company, FUe 1295/26.176worked by the Caledonian Oil Company. On their transfer to the newly formed Tarbrax Company he was allotted 5,000 fully paid £1 preference shares and 6,000 ordinary shares with 17 shillings (£0*85) paid on each.^^^?) 3,500 preferenceand 5*000 ordinary shares were sold between 1904 and 1912 at prices of approximately 35 shillings (£1.75) and 59 shillings (£2.95) respectively.^ ^ It is probable that Fraser received about £20,000.James Jones, in addition to being managing director of the small Dalmeny Company, was also a director of the Oakbank Company, in the early 1900s the last survivor of the smaller refining concerns. In 1901 the company made 'bid for a higher position among its rivals. ’ This involved thepurcliase from Jones / of a lease of minerals at Duddingston, near Winchburgh, for £18,500It seems safe to conclude that these men were adequately rewarded for their services, which may be regarded as representing the difference in entrepreneurial performance between the successful concerns and the rest. Tixree firms. Young’s, the Broxburn and Pumpherston Companies, successively provided(327) SRO Tarbrax Oil Co* Ltd., Prospectus, BT2/5644/10.(328) 8R0 Tarbrax Oil Co. Ltd., BT2/5644/23, 27 and 28*Fraser sold 1,000 Preference shares on 30.4.1907;2.000 on 19.1.1909 and 500 on 11.1.1910. He sold1.000 Ordinary shares on 7*7.1908; 2,000 on 27.11.1908 and 2,000 on 26.10.1909. Share prices are taken from the Scotsman on the days subsequent to these sales.(329) Scotsman, 31.12.1901, Report on the Mineral Oil and Paraffin Industry during 1901.(330) Registrar of Conpanies, Oalcbank Oil Co* Ltd. Prospectus of the issue of £200,000 of new shares. File 1501.177a focus of innovatory entrepreneurship. Around each inturn, there were a number of imitators who provided the considerable number of failures. It cannot be denied, however, that these imitators made a contribution to the overall success of shale oil. At all times in the nineteenth century they constituted a considerable part of the industry, giving enployment to large numbers of men. After their demise, their mineral fields and, in some cases their works, were taken over and successfully operated by the surviving conpanies. Royalty payments to patent holders enployed by the successful concerns played a part in the encouragement of innovation.■VOLUME 2 of 5 Chapters 5 to 9'jTHE SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SCOTTISH SHALE OIL INDUSTRY1850 - 1914John Henderson McKayDoctor of Philosophy The Open University 1984a .VFigure 5*1 West Galder in 1855*■ / l t i l t v / . T } ' / . 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' 6 i> -V'^ Uunaton^ <*' ' “ * Hou»eShaft9\k W ^ ^Jp- CO in CT> 00CM in X- CO o CO ISo o CM o m in cTv* * * * * * M) m m in VO rnCM m CM T- V VO CM in rV- 0 \ 00 VO < f o ISCM#. *I s CO CO*ISo ch <3* in VO CM ov^ s @ W m ^«ft «ft «ft #ft # «ft «ftT- V T- T- m m mT- m. . _ . in CM ISVO in T- IS m CM 00«ft «ft .. «ft ; aft «ft «ftV- CM CM m m CM.« r * r * V - v rB ^ &'.r* V* T -o V- 00 o \ cnT- r - T*«ftCDrH •0 'H d(d O oo •rlCD 0 •PgCtfTÎ 3m *2 P,tj § o3 m Pi"5 - «ft tom a "po •H10 •riCTiMg•g ,Q@lgcrî p« ^I &CQ -p tlO !|^1 1.1Table 7.6: Population of Linlithgow County, Proportions ofI#les and Females, Under and Over 20, i\fumbers per 1,000.Census Male FemaleYear Under 20 Over 20 Under 20 Over 201861 258(232) 255(240) 237(228) 248(298)1871 265(248) 243(225) 246(243) 243(283)1881 260(247) 261(229) 241(243) 235(279)1891 259(243) 269(234) 239(238) 231(283)1901 257(231) 278(248) 233(227) 230(292)1911 247(221) 285(257) 231(219) 235(300)Note: the figures in brackets are those for ScotlandSource: Published Census Reports, 1861 to 1911.In Linlithgow, over the period, there was a gradual rise in the proportion of over 20 males, accompanied by a decline in the other three groups. This movement commenced at a higher level in Linlithgow than in Scotland as a whole, in respect of over 20 males. At the same time, the decline in240the proportions of the other age/sex groups in Scotland wasnot so marked as in Linlithgow and in fact the proportion offemales aged over 20 rose slightly.At each enumeration from 1851 to 1911, there was apreponderance of males over females in Linlithgow. This wasthe subject of comment in every census report from 1851. In1881 it was remarked that,’It is a curious, and at present to us inexplicable, circumstance that Linlithgow should be the only county in which the numbers of males enumerated at three successive census periods considerably exceeds the number of females.’ (17)In 1861, the writer of the report had not been so easily confounded, commenting that,’The excess of males in Linlithgow being 106 for every 100 females, is easily accounted for; the new workings in the coal and ironstone mines having drawii from other counties a large number of males not accompanied by their due proportion of females,* ^Earlier in this chapter it was established that there was apreponderence of males aged over 20 in the immigrant work-force and the 1871 census provides further information on this problem. The proportions of males and females at each year of age from 4 upwards is given and is reproduced as Table 7.7.It will be seen that, up to the age of 12, the proportion of males to females in Linlithgow was not radically different from Scotland as a whole, while from age 13 to age 27, there was an increasingly marked preponderance of males over females. At the same ages, in Scotland as a whole,(17) Census of Scotland, 1881, Report. Vol. I, p. xv.(18) Census of Scotland, 1861, Report, p. xxiii.241Table 1 Six I/Iales and Females, Linlithgow and Scotland, Numbers of Males per 100 Females, 1871*Age Scotland Linlithgow Age Scotland Linlithi4-5 103 96 -33 83 93-6 101 106 -34 82-7 102 108 -35 83 112-8 102 93 -36 80 91-9 101 96 -37 81 93-10 102 105 -38 79 95-11 108 103 -39 78 75—12 103 101 -40 79 75-15 104 113 -41 90 113-14 107 109 —42 86 91-15 104 113 -43 81 83-16 101 128 -44 83 109-17 99 132 -45 88 103-18 96 140 -46 81 97-19 94 142 -47 81 98—20 92 132 -48 82 101—21 95 116 -49 84 109-22 89 104 -50 78 92-23 85 120 -51 90 99-24 86 116 -52 84 97-25 85 120 -53 82 97—26 83 101 -54 81 92-27 83 112 -55 84 111-28 82 96 -56 79 109-29 83 86 -57 80 72-30 80 104 -58 80 109-31 88 104 -59 84 91-32 84 99 -60 73 80Source: Calculated from the Table ’Ages of the People inScotland and its Registration Divisions and Counties in 1871 * * Census of Scotland, 1871 Report. Vol. II, pp. 2 and 6.242females outnumber males. For example, at age nineteen, in Linlithgow there were 142 males to 100 females, while in Scotland there were only 94 males to 100 females. The imbalance at the 1871 census seems to have been confined to age groups which would be expected, in the then context of a growing industry, to contain a high proportion of youngmales from other counties in search of employment. In thelate 20s age group, the proportions of male and female are roughly equal, suggesting population movements, such as females joining hitherto unaccompanied males.Similar information is given in the census report for 1911, when at age 21, there were in Linlithgow, 164 males to 100 females. In the age range to 69, there were only five ages at which this ratio was 100 or less. These werepersons aged 52, 53, 63, 64 and 67. The overall ratio ofmales to females, in Scotland was, in 1911, 94 to 100. It is therefore clear that there was a considerable imbalance between males and females tliroughout the entire age structure of the population of Linlithgow. It is clear that the presence of young unattached male migrants is not, of itself, a sufficient explanation of the imbalance between males and females in Linlithgow.The 1901 census shows that in Scotland 47 per cent of males aged over fifteen were unmarried, as also were 44 per cent of females in the same age group. The equivalent ratios for Linlithgow were 49 and 33 per cent respectively,Linlithgow therefore, had a slightly higher than average ratio of unmarried males of marriageable age and a considerablylower than average ratio of uimarried. females. This mayhave been due to a continuing bias toward unattached males in in-migration to Linlithgow, but there is strong evidence that this was not the only causal factor, for example, a lack of female employment in the county may well have resulted in out-migration of females of working age.In Linlithgow in 1911, only 17 per cent of the female population was enumerated as in employment. In Lanarkshire (excluding burghs), 22 per cent of women were employed, in Glasgow, 35 per cent and in Edinburgh, 37 per cent. The effect of this on the county’s population structure is apparent from consideration of Table 10 of the Appendix to this part. Tliis gives for each census year from 1861 to 1911 the proportions by age and sex of Linlithgow natives enumerated in each Scottish county. The same information is given for the Scottish regions. It is clear that for all regions females over twenty constituted the greatest(19) For the census years from 1861 to 1901 the proportions of males and females enumerated as unmarried were :Scotland Linlithgow1861 males 44.2^ 5, females 44.2 males 43*4 females 34.7 1871 44,4 43*2 43.1 34.21881 45*2 43.0 45.6 33*41891 46.2 44.2 48.4 33.71901 47.0 44.4 49.8 33.1The proportion of unmarried females in Linlithgow remains considerably below the Scottish average for the whole of the second half of the nineteenth century and, indeed, worsens slightly towards its end. At the same time the proportion of unmarried males moves from slightly below the Scottish average in 1861 to almost three per cent above in 1901. Census of Scotland, Reports. 1861, Vol.II pp. 60 & 64; 1871, Vol. II, pp. ci, cii; 1881, Vol. I, pp. xlix, 1; 1891, Vol. II, pp. xx, xxxvii, xxxviii;1801, Vol. II, p p . xix, X X .proportion of out-migrants from Linlithgow. In all cases the preponderence of this group was considerably greater than in the population of Scotland as a whole. In the case of migrants to the Highland area, the proportion of females over twenty was, in 1861, at the high level of 399 in 1,000 ', (Scotland - 298 in.1,000), and rose to 440 in 1,000 in 1911, having reached a peak of 460 in 1,000 in 1901. In the case of the other three areas of Scotland, the proportion of over twenty females, was high in 1861, fell substantially in 1871 and rose thereafter until the former levels were regained or surpassed in 1911. In no case did the proportion of females over twenty among the out migrants fall to near the Scottish average for this group.This inevitably resulted in distortion of the proportions of unmarried persons in the county. In 1871 Scotland had 1,042 unmarried females for every 1,000 unmarried males.In Linlithgow there were only 893 to 1,000. In the same year, Edinburgh had 1,173 unmarried females to 1,000 unmarried males, Dundee, 1,259 and Paisley, 1,130. In 1911 Edinburgh’s single population comprised 1,231 females to 1,000 males, Dundee had 1,242 and Paisley, 1,112. In Linlithgow there were now only 795 single women to every 1,000 men.From the published census data it is possible to arrive at certain conclusions regarding the effects on population of industrial growth. It is not, however, possible to isolate the impact of the oil industry from that of the coal and iron(20) Census of Scotland, Reports. 1871, Vol. II, pp. 135? 141, 145, 146; 1911, Vol. I, pp. 21, 97, 1601, 1892.industries in the western part of the county. However, it is clear that the bulk of in-migration to Linlithgow took place over short distances. Most migrants were born in the other industrialised counties of the Scottish Lowlands, although a major contribution was made by Ireland. Smaller numbers arrived from the Scottish Highlands and from the partially industrialised Southern Uplands, Forfar and Aberdeen. In terms of numbers, the largest sources of migration were the three counties .adjacent to Linlithgow, i.e. Lanark, Edinburgh and Stirling. If population size is taken into account by means of migration factors, the more distant industrialised counties are found to have had high levels of migration to Linlithgow. Haddington and Dunbarton, for instance, had high migration factors in comparison with neighbouring rural counties. This suggests that workers in already industrialised communities were possibly more prepared, or were under more pressure, to migrate, than those in rural areas.In-migration showed a marked bias toward unattached males, particularly those in the over twenty age group.This produced in Linlithgow an imbalance in the sexes, which by 1911 extended all through the age range of the county’s population. This phenomenon was exacerbated by the fact that out-migration demonstrated a similar bias toward females aged over twenty. Linlithgow was a county committed to heavy industry and there was, in consequence, little in the way of industrial employment for women. It is probable that this surplus female labour sought employment as domesticservants In the large towns or in the textile mills of west- central Scotland.Linlithgow was unusual in that the almost complete absence of female industrial employment ^brought this imbalance in the sexes to notice in mid century. It can be shown that, in other counties, this phenomenon was apparent in parts of the county although the county as a whole was apparently evenly divided as regards the sexes. For instance, in 1901, in the large county of Lanark, the overall ratio of females to males was 986 per 1,000, i.e. only slightly lower than the Scottish average of 1,057 in 1,000. However, within the county there were areas where the proportion was very much smaller. In Dalziel parish, there were only 829 females for every 1,000 males. In Old Honkland the ratio was 858 per 1,000. In both cases these ratios were lower than that which obtained in Linlithgow county (875 per 1,000).The possible effects of this imbalance are worthy offurther consideration. Table 7.8 gives, for Scotland andLinlithgow, the proportions, in 1871 and 1901, of unmarriedmales and females. For 1901, information in respect ofinUphall parish is also given. In/^ 1871, 44.4 per cent ofmales and 43.5 per cent of females were unmarried. In(21) New Statistical Account of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1845), Vol7 2, p . 119, p. l6l' and p. 180. Small numbers of females were employed in the county’s only cotton mill at Blackburn and in the ancillary operations to handle om weaving in Bathgate. The mill, however, closed in the late 1860s and weaving declined at the same time. There was also, until the 1870s, a flourishing boot and shoe industry in Linlithgow but this did not long survive the introduction elsewhere of machine manufacture.247ITiIa03Q)gT"'dII«S EoH VI :03 03i lPÎ4 •k•d H 0 r4 •HcdO«H SHO 03IIII§* tJ & §• •00i#Il llAD-6ISIààôiniààààILf\T"lAV3 *KOov~ONVSCMT-CMCM'T*0 CMV ”G\CMV"-4 *V“KOV"<3-G\v~lA8KO100KOChCh800 ChCh lÂCh Ch8 8W 03 0O 0*HO 03»HI00 üCM A A r - K- KOCh S MO 00 O A0 - 4 * 00 CM CMS Ch A S S-4" A *4* CMO CM O V- O MOO qr - CM MO MO CD Chv~ VS 4* O 00T- T-T- CMCM oôT- T-O 00 # *CM SV “ T -00 A A 00T" V-CM MO MO 00• • • •A Ch MO ChV T ” V *S ChCM AfÂ ÀCM CM4* 00 A ChA V* fA AA &00 S*Ch 00 Ch A8 8V* V-1•d5 t?> ÆT- T"O ACh ChV -s Ch 00 ChV- 4" • #CM ChV"Ch T- Ch ChS MO is côN ?CM A # •CM V*CM T-A MOA CMA 4 * A OMO ^ 00 MOCh MO Ch Ch8 8O MOCMT- 00fÂ ISV- 4* T" MOV -O Ch A fAT-A O . #4* 4*CM 00 S AVA q Ch 00CM MO A AA V CM T"S CMT- A CM T-S V"à i0 4 - 00 MO 4* 4*g ) 5S Ch©**4AS f A MO A CO A00 tsCh A8 8V v~w m w0 W 0 m 0H 0 H 0 H!0 0 H 0B a a0 0 0«H (H (HIIaiî•P0idd•pH&I(3 I"••0Irabls 7-9; Kunbers of ’.lales and Tenais2 and Proportion of Tenaiss to ’..'ales ,anong Persons aged under 1p,over 15 and Unrarried Persons aged over 15; Scotland,the Counties of Idnlithgov.. ,lar.ark and Edinburgh and Parishes, in Linliohgov; and danarl-: ; 1 ?01 .248County-jParish,etc.Under 15Male FemaleFemales per 1,000 malesMaleOver 15 Female Females per 1,000 malesUnmarried Over 15Males Femalea Females per 1 ,000 malesScotland 755,962 739,140 977 1,417,793 1,559,208 1,079 667,674 693,424 1,038Linlithgow 12,856 12,650 963 22,367 17,835 • 797 11,153 5 ,918 530Abercom 142 i3i 922 314 279 888 161 118 732Bathgate 2,809 2,769 985 4 ,6 34 3,592 775 2,232 1 ,214 543Bo'ness 2,192 2,191 999 3,841 3,249 845 1,818 1,183 650Dalmsny 593 640 1,079 1,801 1,046 580 1,207 386 319Ecolesmachan 155 137 1 ,014 231 178 770 119 61 512Linlithgow 1 ,53s 1,486 966 2,723 2,329 855 1 ,382 846 612Livingstone 593 555 935 934 682 730 469 198 422Torpichen 677 665 982 1,022 861 842 477 290 607Uphall 2,152 2,117 985 3,538 2,728 771 1,670 743 444vrnitbum 1,421 1,342 944 2 ,264 1 ,808 798 1,110 562 506Kirkliston 726 750 1,033 1,310 1 ,118 853 619 41 0 662Lanarkshire 232,140 229,226 987 442,023 435,938 986 209,896 174,581 831Avondale 860 880 1 ,023 1,997 2,(%6 l,Ci9 1,061 1 ,000 942■Biggar 307 274 892 569 747 1 ,312 262 361 1,377Blantyre 3,014 2,844 943 4 ,613 3 ,6 7 4 796 2,143 1,055 492Bothwell 9,143 8,808 965 15,555 12,399 797 7,624 4,094 536Gadder 1,876 1,951 1,039 3,345 3,299 985 1,594 1,303 Si 7Cambuslang 3,986 3,943 989 6 ,484 5,798 894 3,(%7 2,117 697Cambusnethan 5,578 5,356 960 9,449 8,010 847 4,575 2,767 604Carluke 1,681 1,601 952 2,831 2,853 1,007 1,350 1,165 862Carmichael 252 205 883 398 363 912 192 145 755Carmunnock 82 107 1 ,3 04 229 264 1 ,152 131 155 1,183Camwath 1 ,164 1/U9 978 1,851 1 ,663 909 865 613 708Carstairs 347 317 913 633 596 941 309 2UU 789Covington etc. 47 43 914 106 118 1,113 53 ■ 60 1 ,132Crawford 294 272 . 925 . 544 504 926 286 196 685Cravtf erdjohn 109 106 972 231 261 1,129 122 133 1 ,0 90Culter 68 46 676 122 156 1,278 57 90 1,578Dalserf 3,397 3,258 959 5,156 4,311 836 2,380 1 .382 580Dalziel 7,255 973" 12,905 "9764^ 747 . 6,284 ■ - 2,749 '■ ~Î37Dolphinton 54 41 759 74 Si 1,094 35 37 1 ,057Douglas 439 465 1,059 755 738 977 341 274 803Dunsyre 42 42 1 ,000 63 53 841 30 22 733East Kilbride 654 595 909 1,229 1 ,470 1,196 644 761 1,181Glasgow 95,(%7 94,668 996 189,775 192,135 1,012 - 89,334 77,324 865Glassford 234 218 931 402 467 1 ,161 188 214 1,138Govan 55,622 55,076 990 111,679 119,073 1 ,066 52,711 51,280 972Hamilton 7 ,862 7,629 970 13,843 11,038 797 6,849 3,674 536Lanark 1,475 1 ,441 976 2,226 2,961 1,330 1,003 1,527 1 ,5 22Le smahagow 2,115 1,969 930 3,569 3,301 924 1 ,791 1 ,356 757,Libberton 67 67 1 ,000 146 152 1,041 80 86 1 ,075New Monkland 7,400 ■ 7,367 995 1 1,800 10,219 866 5 ,505 3,427 . 622Old Monkland 10,204 10,057 985 18,442 14,545 788 9,185 4,747 516Pettinain 46 34 739 103 88 854 61 43 704Rutherglen 3,934 3 ,8 64 982 6,406 6,805 1,061 2,803 2,682 956Shotts 3,017 3 ,0 30 1,004 5,398 4,117 762 2,813 1,383 491Stonehouse 629 621 987 1,231 1 ,1 84 961 620 524 845Symington 41 60 1,463 127 160 1 ,259 62 88 1,419Walston 50 43 660 82 1O8 1,317 35 60 1 ,7l4Wandell 56 49 875 138 119 862 84 64 761Wiston 76 60 789 132 144 1 ,090 66 78 1,181Cathcart 4,077 4 ,118 1,011 5,611 11,552 1,341 3,876 5 ,8 64 1 ,512Eastwood 3,141 3/123 994 5,655 6,981 1,234 2,478 3,173 1,280Edinburgh 75,620 73,964 975 154,835 134,377 1,19c 92 ,920 87,033 . 1,193Source; Published Census Reports,Counties of Linlithgov;,Lanark and Edinburgh,1$01.Linlithgow, bachelors and spinsters accounted for 43.1 per cent of males and 54.2 per cent of females. Relative to Scotland as a ivhole there was a considerable shortage of unmarried females. This phenomenon was even more evident in certain age ranges. In Scotland 73.7 per cent of women aged between 20 and 25 were single, whereas in Linlithgow only 59 per cent were unmarried. Between 25 and 30, 44.2 per cent and 27.9 per cent, respectively were single. In the age group 30 to 33, the figures for Scotland and Linlithgow were 30.1 and 17*3 per cent. Anong older women there was a closer correspondence between the data for Scotland and Linlithgow.In 1901, 47.0 per cent of males in Scotland were unmarried, an increase of almost 3 per cent. 4^t-.4 per cent of women were single, an increase of 1.1 per cent. In Linlithgow 49.8 per cent of men were unmarried, an increase of 6.5 per cent; 33.1 per cent of females were single, a fall of 1.1 per cent. In Uphall parish, 47.2 per cent of males were unmarried, roughly the same proportion as in Scotland as a whole. Among females, only 27.2 per cent were single, 17.2 per cent less than in Scotland and nearly 6 per cent less than in Linlithgow.In every age group up to fifty the proportion of unmarried males in Linlithgow and in Scotland had increased when compared with the figures for 1871. In Scotland, in age groups up to forty, the proportion of unmarried women had also increased. In Linlithgow, the proportions of unmarried women showed often sizeable reductions over the period in agegroups from 25 to 75. In Uphall in 1901, the proportions of unmarried females in age groups.up to 35, were less than those for Linlithgow; at all ages they were considerably lower than those for Scotland as a whole.It is clear, therefore, that, in this newly industrialised county, the proportion of single women of marriageable age was considerably lower than for Scotland as a whole in 1871. It is also apparent that this difference was considerably greater in 1901. Uphall parish, a major centre of the new industry, exhibited the phenomenon to an even greater degree.The respective proportions of males and females in the population of Linlithgow also suffered considerable distortion in this period of industrialisation. Table 7*9 gives for Scotland, Linlithgow, Lanark and Edinburgh counties and for parishes in Linlithgow and Lanark, the numbers of males and females and the proportion of females to males, expressed asthe number of females per 1,000 males. The information is»given for persons aged under fifteen, over fifteen and for unmarried persons aged over fifteen. The data are derived from the 1901 published census report. In Scotland as a whole there were 977 females aged under fifteen for every1,000 males in the same age group. Of the 55 counties and parishes in Table 7.9, only nineteen varied from this average by more than 5 per cent (50). The very large variations from the Scottish average occurred in small rural parishes and were very probably due to the small numbers251involved. The lowest ratio of female to male was in the parish of Colter and was based on 46 females and 68 males.The highest ratio, 1,463 to 1,000 was in Symington and resulted from 6ofemales a n d m a l e s. The counties and idie larger industrialised parishes approximated to the Scottish average. Linlithgow county had 983 females aged under fifteen for every 1,000 males; Lanarkshire had 987 and Edinburgh, 978. Uphall parish had 983 females per 1,000 males, Cambuslang, 989, Shotts 1,004, New Monkland 995, Old Monkland 985 and Glasgow 996.%en consideration is extended to the over fifteen age group, a very different picture is revealed. The Scottish average was 1,079 females per 1,000 males but there were large variations from this. In Linlithgow county there were only 797 females per 1,000 males. Among the parishes in the county, Abercom (888 per 1,000) had the highest ratio of females to males in the over fifteen age group; at 580 per1,000 Dalmeny had the lowest. The county generally and its constituent parishes were clearly divergent from the Scottish position in this respect.Lanarkshire, on the other hand, with 986 females aged over fifteen per 1,000 males was only some ten per cent less than the Scottish ratio. There were, however, significant variations in the ratios for its constituent parishes.These are laid out in Table 7.10. This shoiTS quite clearly that, in Lanarkshire, parishes committed to heavy industry had very much lower than average ratios of females to males in the over fifteen age group. the county the highest8AUIaIIg I•P ÜgM ëooA#kT- u\ 0r~ -po dCM dov~OOCM o#k oV1 9O 3o PV“0X~" oOoT- 0' A HV 01 'dO Po po >#k -d W .. . .g" a g a a g« * uo CO 0+>k eg3d R| gu H da a ®I i•Rgar-*O8%8CONSoCMsïICvJCO0AII0278a•d(S0IiI0aBI04î=)oaioHE4<ÎDOOuÇkIHwHIIO < h p m v D g O ko m r\ (\! CM I T l t - I I T \ - Ifc8 8^(\) o V- co mCMT*8«roposal the Board of Supervision said 'we did not think it likely that m y person %d.lling to be scavenger would be a fit and proper person for the office of Sanitary I n s p e c t o r . A n application to combine the offices of scavenger and sanitary inspector was subsequently denied on similar g r o u n d s . T h e difficulties were to some extent eased by arrangements whereby police officers were permitted to be appointed as sanitary inspectors. In 1884, West Lothian County enjoyed the services of two inspectors, two sergeants and two constables. Ttiese officers must have introduced some much needed enforcement ability to(173) Board of Supervision, Annual Report, PP. 1886,Vol. XXXII, p. 339.(174) Board of Supervision, Annual Report, PP. 1873,Vol. XXXII, p. 243.(175) Board of Supervision, Annual Report, PP. 1877,Vol. XXXVII, p. 235.393the sanitary scene, but their professional interest or competence in sanitary matters must remain a matter of some doubt.In 1884 and in 1888 the Board of Supervision again madereference to large numbers of complaints regarding lack ofactivity on the part of Local Authorities, but remarked thatthese bodies were quick to act on the request of the Board.On a more cheerful note, the Board, in 1884, reported theresult of a canvass of Local Authorities regarding watersupply, drainage, hospital accommodation, overcrowding ofdwelling-houses and the removal of nuisances. 'We are ableto state that the result upon the v;hole is very satisfactory.In more than two thirds of the sanitary districts into whichScotland is divided no action whatever on our part wasrequired; in the remainder we called the attention of theLocal Authority to the defects pointed out, and we are daily(178)in receipt of satisfactory replies to our communications. ^A measure of the improvement can be found in the expenditure on sanitary matters. A Table which accompanied the Board of Supervision's Report in 1888 is reproduced on Page 396. From this it is apparent that, in financial terms at least, there was a considerable increase in sanitary activity in the period subsequent to the passage of the 1867 Act. In its first full year of operation, £19,150 was spent(176) Inspector of Constabulary (Scotland), Annual Report, PP. 1884-83, Vol. XXXVii^p. 493,(177) Board of Supervision, Annual Reports, PP. 1884-83, Vol. XXXIV, p. 272 and 1888, Vol. L, p. 223.(178) Board of Supervision, Annual Report, PP. 1884-83, Vol. XXXIV, p. 274.Table 10.1 Receipts and Expenditure of Local Authorities onSani'fery Matters-I868 to 1868*Board of Supervisum fo r B d itf of the Poor {Scotland), xxv396I I Iw ! ! 1 1 Î ! 5 â § 5 5 i 8 S 5 ; 5 o R S 3cT a 5f s a 5 ^ i R 3 R 3 2H 2 3 1 1 1 R 13 2 2 1 i 1 \ 2 3 s 3 S R8H s rf : 3 8 a 3 a Ë H 3 a S ; 1 i i*rR 8 R' j| | | | w § § 5 5 3 R s 2 s § s i 8 5 2 2 R 3 8 a ■ I<* • # R 2 8 2 R s 8 8 % 3 ÿ è 2 3 8 «» 2' I k 1 I ! j 1 3 2.2 2 ; 8 % § 2 2 2 1 3 S 2 3= r y 8 8 m a 8 8 3 3' 2 5 8 5 2® i11M 5 Î s 3 i s ! 3 3 2 5 2 2 2 3 R %2 S sV mT w V oi 9D «0 w o W «» 5- 2 3*i # M 3 3S 3 ; 2 8 5 2 B 2 i 5 2 » 3 i 2ÎS j s s s S 3 3 S S S 5 3 3 S S S S I S S g 2iSi1 s 5 2 R 1 i E B 2 f H B 3 3 i iP Sa 2 4 â A à g i à â■ 1b 2Source; Board of Supervision,Annual Report,1888; PP 1888,L,p.227,397T5 VOO<4 tfwo *-OOOCOCOOmr\lf\OG3^-COOP-ONVOO N O V O O V ^ « « f ^ ' ^ 'k O 5 %| Lj mvû ^ OOOOOCOC^OOCOCOÇ>^©^ÇJL^ov Cv OJ o o C%II. O O l A o o VO ^ r \ v o VO ^f-t^f-r-Ovoo©lA c\i o VO ^•O V O O f v O v o O ^ V T r v ^ - v O O ^ " O ^ * - ^ . K W « ^ l A K \ r \ * - 0 \ P - © l A C \VO © f A g l A»C V O O N O V O O V % f " V V W © C V O o O#-t~fA'^ ,-r\r\r\^ 0^ t^ ©u\o<4 LAVO— 0 O 0 O O © C > f < M A 0 0 O 0 r ^ ^ © f A ^ ^ # " C \ j ^ O ^ A J © © Ovl i s i B p i s i l i i i g g s l l i398' O O O O O t - O C \ » f A V ô c ^ f » c - . ^ O v O O0»-0^^0 r-CJvOvOf-ÎAC^ OOfA o tr\ ov CvW © O l f O \ ( \ ! V O v p ~ - v — A l v ^ O V O— — — " ^ ■ ^ O t A O * “ f A i T v V O A J » - P ‘" V D ^• r A i A V O r A - ^ t A f V V O l A l A ^ f A t A f A'oooc^ h-A- r»©m©voocvc\jo — to • —C5C0Î CJOOOKNOn — LA(AO©©NP^NVllll *R8S5@ SS&Pa38G2R8%2SBfil lW ^ ' I'” W ' ^ W W ' S . W ' W a / W ' ^ W 'c\j t A c\j «— #— Kv rû f A ^ ^l A O v O O O v O O OO ’vo^ of*-r-“©oIA*«?AV0* -«1- C V O U M A L A I A I A ITi^CNiCNJtVAjCvroOJOJfNJCSj»OOA;ajOO O*-f\JOvDV0fAvDOOBJO^mVOA/ Air-fAAJO^ OUA*-C\lfW C\ © lA AJ — # - l A . - O r A - » © t A ( \ l l A A j O \ f V © l A CuA/fA^ "^©fA(AO(AOKAVTr©vviAfAVO*-IAO A^-lA^ t^ PAp^ OlAt— t~- lA «- 0\ ^ © • * 0 % O V O ^ t r . t ^AJO V * - r * VO — l A f A p ^ O A f ^ f A V OO O "V A- K\Ç>OCO^ hA*-fAOAj© lA CA V l A — VC A ) 0 © r - A - C \ A j A J Cv Q O AJ A J A - A - C O f A A ' O ' v O l A ^ f A v O V O L A C V O C A l A— — f A V V ^ ^ l A f A ^ A J v ^ l A l A V O l A l AVO VO f A O — A i V O V O A - t A O O O A- O O C > O A * l A l A ^ O O f A « C— O * f O O > C ^ — — — tAVO IA(AK\VVV- fAfAC^OO^vO§:BBESBB5:B:8gg§gg:l400O O \ 0 \ 0 K ^ O N \ D u " \ C % \ 0 C \ ( \ j l T \ O83 COCJC*“ C O t ~ W C r \ p * « - C O v D ^ O P » C \ JoovovorsooorNOO'ôoooO O C D - e C D m ^ W m O O f ^ ^ O O Nk o "a Z w if'in\0'v^oooooof\jOOr\oif\oorvifsli*çj OO\0OOON'OO0\\DK\C\;m 63 ONvovrvv#-ff\rf\ocOwot~W ^ C D C 3 0 0 \ 0 0 0 ^ \ O l f ' V f f \ ^ V (f\ fv0 0 \ D \ o o \ o r \ ( \ ( - » T r o ^ * - f y OO O t * - O » < N O O C N J O » < % C 0 ^ a ' O C Mr - CDT O O 0 ' r 0 < M * - ^ 0 ^ ^ C J0 3 o c K \ O C O C g O f ^ . C D « S - C \ \ Dw O O i f \ K \ # . h ^ o c > \ o c \ r - r -c v r u r j r v i n N c j N N r j§SÊEBB6GGB6§g^^&§S^§401sliii*0 —83 ir\N#- c\o\c\'c\;fvcNjLrso>rr'Ofvivr>^ ^ *-‘^f\JVD *"**— ^ K\ »— y \ ^ f\J t<*N KS r— O LT»tfN KN IT» LT\ tr\ O VD O CD •- t~ U'>ïio o o o o o o o o oÔ f ^ o o o o > a O O O O O t ' C C O ^ ^ o t r ^ O O O r ^eg 00000^0vcf\»O — OJf\jC%f\}CDOJKNOC\;r * t - * v o r - CD O v o ^ o ^ v ^ v o c o v o r - — c\ CO o p-o c o•c oooooocDr\^-f<^^^ocoo^83 ooooor-CDr^'-komooOKx^ OOCOOvC'^OvO-T(\)NC*-CD8\ir\OfV c * - p ~ o f ^ c - C D 0 v û » ^ 0 ’0 v û r : v i > r ^— lA c o O'II: r - C O ^ (Vl i l E s i B s i l s i s i p i i i l402*0 O v 0 O O P * O v f ^ K N K \ a v 5 O V 3 Oe oc — —M t,* f n f - O ^ ' . Û O v o O v a ^ C N — — O C ( \ i O O \ r - G % Ce — rjtno\ — c\o — (\f NNNfurvrumrMnI*9 v o v 9 0 o r * * o « - o o o o i a o ^ o to » p*\8P*Ct^mo\0'AOO «-p-CmC S C — — — — #» —c "9 "W W N s c i f \ \ 0 w 0 0 0 \ 0 0 — O C v O O f v O s a• « c a b — — i n m V ^ — #• — — ^ — »» — —n il _"3 O O O O O O O Oo - •»H Q O O O O O O O O' H pj ( \ i CNj O M n v r - i o o p - m i f ' — « n o m#* — f\j m C ' o O O o n j r a c v i f ' J C ' i c ' j m - ^ ^ ^403by 360 parishes; in the year ending on 14 May 1888, £234,73^ was expended by 756 parishes. The number of parishes iiad more than doubled, and, at £310, the average expenditure per » parish showed an almost six-fold increase. The areas of activity covered in the Table were drainage, water supply, removal of nuisances and, from 1873, hospitals. Over theperiod all increased to a considerable extent. Drainage andwater supply obviously involved a large element of *once and for all* capital expenditure and year to year fluctuations cannot be regarded as unduly significant. Over the period a total of £376, 432 was spent on drainage and £1,095,979 on water supply; 12 and 36 per cent respectfully of a total of three millions. Repayment of loans accounted for 16 per cent, as did hospital provision; 4 per cent was spent on the Removal of Nuisances.In respect of the parishes in the shale area Tables of expenditure on sanitary matters are given on pages 397-402..In I4id Galder parish expenditure in 1870 amounted to slightly over six pounds. In the years following it varied slightly and in 1882 was over eighteen pounds. Expenditure was almost invariably under the heading * other purposes (including salaries)*, indicating, perhaps, that little more was done than to employ a sanitary inspector and, possibly, a medical officer. From 1879 onwards, there was some small expenditure, normally less than ten pounds, on the removal of nuisances. Even this did not meet with universal approval in the parish.In 1882, Adam Robertson of Nev/ Galder Mill, objected to assessment for street cleaning and pursued the matter to the404Sheriff Court where his objection was d e n i e d . T h e large increase in expenditure in 1883 was due to interest payments on the sum of £1,300 borrowed to provide a water supplyj^^^^^ .The low level of expenditure did not necessarily mean a total lack of sanitary activity. The Sanitary Inspector and Medical Officer made regular reports to the Parochial Board.In most cases these did no more than inform the Local Authority that the sanitary condition of the parish \ms satisfactory. There are, however, a number of indications that the reports did reflect some activity on the part of officials. In 1871 the Sanitary Inspector reported that after visits his orders had always been willingly o b e y e d . I n 1870, he reported that his instructions as to the removal of nuisances had been conplied \d.th by all concerned, idLth the exception of one woman who persisted in keeping pigs within ten feet of her own and her neighbours* dwelling h o u s e s . I n 1878, the Sanitary Inspector and Medical Officer commented on the unsatisfactory state of the village after the death of the scavenger. ( ) it seems, therefore, that in this parish, relatively unaffected by the new industry, Local Authority activity under the 1867 Act was, in the main, confined to exhortation and supervision of landlords and householders.(179) M d Galder Parochial Board, 3>îinutes, 7.2.1882. West Lothian Gourier. 22.12.1883.(180 ) 43rd Annual Report of the Board of Supervision, 1887-88, Appendix (B), PP. 1888, Vol. L., p. 492.(181) Mid Galder Parochial Board, Minutes, 27.10.1871.(182) Ibid., 13.3.1870.(183) Ibid., 6.8.1878.405The major exception was a new water supply. This was completed in 1882, and provided benefits other than wholesome water. For the first time it was possible to flush the village drains in dry w e a t h e r . H o w e v e r , for all its obvious benefits to the community, it is not absolutely clear that the expense was willingly incurred by the Parochial Board. Installation was carried out after complaints to the Board of Supervision about two of the village wells, and it is possible tiiat the decision was taken in response to pressure from that body.^^^^^West Galder parish was the first in the area to be affected by large-scale operations of the new industry. In the first full year of activity under the new legislation, the Parochial Board spent almost forty-nine pounds. Gonsidering the difference in population, this was not radically different from I4id Galder *s ?gxpenditurev In 1871, £1,800 was borrowed from the Scottish Provident Institution to provide a water s u p p l y . I n 1868, one of the village wells had been ordered to be closed up, indicating that the traditional water supply had become suspect. The matter of the new supply did not run smoothly, and, indeed the events leading to its installation fully illustrate the strength of obstruction faced by proponents of sanitary reform at that period in the nineteenth century.(184) Ibid., 7.8.1885 and 5.2.1884.(185) SRO. Board of Supervision, Minutes, 15*5.1879.HH25/6 and 20.9.1880. HH25/7.(186) Return of Loans on Dues etc. (Vestries etc.), 1876.PP 1877, LXX p. 125.406In June 1869 a meeting of the Parochial Board was requisitioned to consider the formation of the village of West Galder into a Water District so that a gravitation supply, could be introduced. This meeting was declared invalid because of an objection to one of the names on the requisition. ( a further meeting in August, there was a vote of twelve to eleven in favour of the Water District, on condition that it first be established that the Board would be able to levy a water rate on all houses within the proposed D i s t r i c t . I n October, the Board rejected proposals regarding the Water District boundaries. A fresh committee was appointed to produce amended proposals.In November, these also were r e j e c t e d , I n January 1870 a new resolution was accepted, but in March/ this was ruled null and void because insufficient notice of the meeting had been g i v e n . ^ However, on the 29th hf March the required resolution was again carried, although the representative of Young*s Paraffin Light and Mineral Oil Gompany Limited, along with the parish minister, gave notice of a p p e a l . I t is not clear whether this was actually carried through, for construction of the water works was completed in #872.(187) West Galder Parochial Board, Minutes, 22,6.1869.(188) Ibid., 31,8.1869.(189) Ibid., 5.10.1869 and 2,11.1869.(190) Ibid., 16,11.1869.(191) Ibid., 27.1.1870 and 1.3.1870.(192) Ibid., 29,3.1870,(195) SRO West Galder Local Authority, Minutes, 24.2.1871 and 1.10,1872. C02 91/1.407At the same time the Parochial Board was active in the cleansing of the village. A scavenger v/as appointed in 1868 at a wage of 10/- (5Qp) per week, supplemented by 2/6 (12#p) from the Road T r u s t e e s . E a r l y in 1869 a *toom* was provided for the village m a n u r e . I n 1873, the Board agreed to the purchase of a cart to carry away the ashes from the village, and in 1874 an area of one-eighth of an acre was set aside as a collection point for the village refuse. At the same time it was agreed to advertise for *the exclusive use of a man and horse to collect and remove the manure of the village of West Galder and for any other purpose required by the Parochial Board. Thelowest tender of £115 per annum vras a c c e p t e d . T h e increased level of activity was reflected in expenditure on Removal of Nuisances \diich rose from £28 in 1870 to £131 in 1876 and continued at over £100 per year for the rest of the period.The drainage of the village depended on a *syke*, or open drain, running along the main street. This occasionedmuch debate. In 1871, the visiting officer of the Board of Supervision suggested that it should be cleaned out.^^^^^In 1873, after the installation of the new water supply, it was agreed that the provision of a sluice valve would facilitate the cleansing of the syke.^^^^^ The question of(195) Ibid., 12.1.1869.(196) SRO West Galder Local Authority, î-îinutes, 1.4.1873. G02 91/1.(197) Ibid., 12.11.1874.(198) Ibid., 26.11.1874.(199) Ibid., 18.8.1871.(200) Ibid., 17.6.1873.408culverting was raised in 1874 when estimates were ordered to be p r e p a r e d . H o w e v e r , a petition to form the village into a Drainage District was not approved, and it wasnot until 1878 that, in response to a letter of complaint from the Chief Constable to the Board of Supervision, an engineer was appointed. The work was carried out in1881 \rhen £800 was borrowed for the purpose.In Kirknevrfcon parish the accounts show that gradually increasing sums were spent on the Removal of Nuisances, indicating regular attention to the scavenging of the villages of Kirknewton and East Galder. There v;as also some expenditure on drainage, and in 1883, a loan of £500 was obtained to introduce a water supply.In Linlithgow County, as indicated earlier, Parochial Board minutes are not available for parishes in the shale area. However, the Annual Accounts in the Reports of the Board of Supervision reveal a position similar to that vdiich obtained in Mid Galder parish. Table 10.2 on page 397 shows that, in Livingston parish, small sums of the order of £5 to £10 were regularly expended on the Removal of Nuisances.£95 was spent on drainage in 1874. There is no indication of spending on water supply and later evidence suggests that the village of Livingston depended on surface wells until early in the twentieth century. (^ 0^ )(201) Ibid., 21.4.1874.(202) Ibid., 30.6.1874.(203 ) Ibid., 8.11.1878; Board of Supervision, Itoiutes, 18.10.1878. HH23/6.(204) West Lothian Courier. 29*5.1905, report of meeting of Bathgate District Committee.409In Kirkliston parish the situation was very similar. Throughout the period there was a regular expenditure on Removal of Nuisances and from time to time small sums were spent on drainage and water supply. The latter consisted of 22 surface wells and it was only in 1888 that money was borrowed to provide a gravitation supply jointly with the neighbouring parish of Dalmeny.^^^^^In Uphall parish, Removal of Nuisances accounted for some expense in most years. In 1883 a loan of £5,441 from the Public Works Loan Commissioners enabled the provision of a gravity water supply to the villages of Nphall and Broxburn. This may well have been the result of a coEiplaint to the Board of Supervision by a Mr. W. Lawson. After areport from Dr. Littlejohn, Medical Officer to the Board of Supervision, the Parochial Board was asked to submit proposals to remedy the defects in the water s u p p l y . I n 1879, the Chief Constable complained to the Board of Supervision regarding the sanitary condition of the parish. TheParochial Board *s reaction to this cannot be known with certainty, but in 1885, the sum of £1,366 ivas spent on drainage, and this may not be unconnected with the coimplaint.In the case of the newer settlements more closely associated with the shale industry the sanitary provision ims(205) Kirkliston Parochial Board, Minutes, 15.7.1870,2.8.1870, 26.8.1870, 28.9.1871* 43rd Annual Report of tlie Board of Supervision, 1887-88, Appendix (B),PP1888, Vol. L, p. 497*(206) SRO Board of Supervision, Minutes, 4.11.1880. HH25/7*(207) Ibid., 18.11.1880.(208) Ibid., 8.5*1879. HH25/6^410often less satisfactory- The Fourth Report of the River Pollution Commissioners^ indicates that the industry, a large user of water, drew its supplies from a wide variety of sources. The largest of the early works, Addiewell, used 326 million gallons per year, pumped from the conpany*s own pits, a common source in the industry. The Oakbahk Company drew water from the Linhouse bum, while the Glasgow Oil Company at Broxburn was supplied by springs and surface drainage. Robert Bell * s works was supplied from the canal and from his mines, and possibly worlonen*s houses were supplied from the same sources. Water fromdomestic supply in mid-nineteenth century; in 1875 The Glasgow Herald survey of miners* housing included some at Carfin where cooking water was supplied from one of Dixon*s pits.^^^^)At Addiewell, where Young's Company had over 500 workmen!s houses, water vms eventually supplied by pipeline from Cobbinshaw Loch, a large reservoir supplying the Union Canal. This m s not free from criticism. In 1891, the Medical Officer stated that the 'water ought to be filtered before use.*(^^^) In 1894, the Calder District Committee of the Midlothian County Council noted that the loch was subject to pollution from the sewage of the South Cobbinshaw Rows.^^^^^(209) Pollution Report. PP. 1872, Vol. XXXIV, pp. 255-61 and 287.(210) Quoted in Thomas Johnston, A History of the Working Classes in Scotland (2nd Edition," Glasgow, 1929), p. 345.(211) SRO Annual Reports of County Medical Officers,Midlothian, 1891, p. 3, HH62/1.(212) SRO, Î'-Iidlothian County Council, I4inutes of the Calder District Committee (hereinafter referred to as Calder District Committee), 10.1.1894. C02 61/I.411Settlers and filters were constructed in 1 8 9 5 .Houses at Kings cavil and Bridgend, owned by the Linlithgow Oil Company, were supplied by pumping from a disused quarry. This supply was 'quite inadequate, and an impounding reservoir, sufficient for a month's supply, is much needed at once, for, if anything goes wrong with the pumping gear, the villages shall be totally unprovidedThe Local Authority supply at West Calder was eventually extended to include the miners' houses at Happy Land, Mossend, Gavieside and New Hermand.^^^^^Some of the smaller settlements had rather more haphazard arrangements. At the New Hermand Oil Company's works at Breich, near West Calder, a small boy died after being struck by the counter weight of the mine pumping engine. An action for damages ensued and in evidence it was stated that for the inhabitants of a dozen houses water pumped from the pit was the normal supply for washing. The alternative was a broken field drain which filled a ditch near the houses. For drinking and cooking, water was obtained from a standpipe at Raeburn Row about half a mile distant. The conpany manager admitted that there was 'no doubt water was scarce in the district' and referred to 'a sort of a street well* at(215) West Lothian Courier. 25.5,1895.(214) SRO Annual Reports of County Medical Officers. (Hereinafter referred to as Medical Officer), West Lothian,1891, p. 6. HH62/2.(215) SRO, West Calder Local Authority Minutes, 6.4.1875, 4.5,1877, 15,9.1878, 4.4.1882 , 5*9.1884, 5.10.1884.412Rosebery Terrace, near the site of the a c c i d e n t . T h e Ordnance Survey Map indicates only a surface well at Westwood Row some distance to the west,^ ^^ *^ ^and a gravitation supply was not available there until 1911.(^ 8^)At Uphall Station in 1891, the villagers had to * depend upon a field drain, and if it dries they must use a filthy stream passing by their doors*. At Deans, the houses were supplied by *a shallow well much eicposed to pollution, and the water of which is decidedly impure. * There was no supply whatever for the forty or so houses at Starlaw Row.(^^^)Among the larger settlements, Winchburgh, Niddrie, Westerton and Hiilpstoun were, in 1891, noted by the Medical Officer as having insufficient supplies of water. At Pumpherston, where 210 houses were built between 1884 and 1891 by the Pumpherston Oil Company, the water supply was the subject of adverse comment for some years after their construction. In December 1884, the Sanitary Inspector of M d Calder parish reported that 'the want of water for domestic and dietary purposes is much felt by the inhabitants of Pumpherston Rows, now become a village with upwards of 500 of a p o p u l a t i o n . I n February 1885, the Medical Officer(216) West Lothian Courier. 25.3,1895.(217) 8ee W#3dix,,. Figure 23.(218) West Lothian County Council, Minutes, Bathgate District Committee (hereinafter referred to as Bathgate District Committee), 7.11.1911.(219) Medical Officer, West Lothian, 1891, p. 8. SRO HH62/2.(220) M d Calder Parochial Board, Minutes, 23.12.1884.413referred, in his report, to 'That gross iniquity of a ivant of a good water supply' and asked, 'How long is it to Eventually, in February 1887, the Sanitary Inspector was able to report that the village now had a good water supply.This deficiency occurred despite the fact that the company had, since August 1884, been supplied with the surplus water from the Mid Calder village scheme, and that Mr. Fraser,managing director of the company, had promised, as early as riay 1883, to remedy the situation.As regards drainage, houses oimed by the oil companies were, generally, less well provided for than those in the mature villages. In many cases the only drains in company settlements Were surface channels constructed of brick.These were designed to receive the surface water from rhones and from around the houses. They were also, however, the natural receptacle for household slop vmter and they inevitably had a connection with the open privy middens \fhich were the only conveniences provided. Evidence by the Shale Miners' Union to the Royal Commission on Housing in 1914 mentioned open channel drainage in relation to company housing at Broxburn, Uphall Station, Addiewell, Deans and Starlaw, which were among the earliest houses built. In 1887, the Inspecting Officer of the Board of Supervision reported that he had on several occasions noted the drains at(221) Ibid., 2.2.1886.(222) Ibid., 8.2.1887*(223) Ibid., 3.8.1884*(224) Ibid., 19*3*1883.414Pumpherston to be choked and offered the opinion that it would have been better if 'the local authority had insisted upon the oil company having their houses supplied with perfect drainage. before allowing them to be occupied'.In respect of privy accommodation, however, oil company housing may well have been better served than the established villages. In the larger settlements at any rate, privies and ashpits were emptied and cleaned by the employers. In 1891, the newly appointed County Sanitary Inspector reported to the Calder District Committee on the scavenging arrangements in the District, This report gives a fair picture of the sanitary condition of the district at the point v;hen responsibility was passed from the Parochial Boards to the new Authorities.^ ^The villages of ICirknevrbon and East Calder each enjoyed , the services of a scavenger, whose duty it was to keep clean the water channels and drain gullies. The ashpits were emptied by farmers but some of the contents were used by the villagers themselves as manure for their gardens. Mid Calder village was similarly provided for. West Calder was described as being scavenged 'on the best principles so far as these are known'. scavenger cleaned the waterchannels, gutters, drains and street gullies and, in addition, removed 'daily, all the household refuse and other rubbish to a depot situated outside the village'. This standard(225) Ibid., 8.2.1887.(226) West Lothian Courier# 28.11.1891.(227) Ibid.(228) Ibid.413was not achieved \d.thout difficulty. The tjuality ofcleansing obviously depended heavily on the scavenger. InWest Calder, in 1890, on the retirement of the office holder,the scavenging contract was let to a local businessman whotook no personal part in the work. Complain.ts were made and(229)eventually the contract was cancelled and re-advertised. ' 'In Mid Calder, the death of the first scavenger caused a deterioration in the standard of cleanliness which was remarked upon by the Sanitary Inspector and the Medical Officer.At Happy Land in West Calder the oil company houses were scavenged along with the rest of the village. Young's Company employed a scavenger for each of the villages of Addiewell, Mossend and Gavieside. The refuse r^as carried away in the conpany's o\m carts for use as manure. At Oalcbank the company provided a horse and cart and paid a scavenger 16 shillings (80p) per week. He removed all the refuse, including the excreta from privies, dail^ r and disposed of it at a 'profit to him of four shillings (20p) or 5 Shillings (25p) per week'. ^ The Pumpherston Companyemployed two scavengers to keep drains and water closets clean and to 'convey all filth and any refuse that may be lying about to the ashpits, which are enptied once a fortnight by f a r m e r s ' . A t Hermand Rows the oil company employed a(229) SRO West Calder Local Authority, Ihnutes, 6.6.1890, 10.6.1890, 4.7.1890, 13.10.1890. C02/91/1.(230) Mid Calder Parochial Board, Minutes, 6.8.1878.(231) West Lothian Courier. 28.11.1891.(232) Ibid.416scavenger to clean the village and the cesspools. Refuse was collected in small bins and disposed of to farmers for use as manure. ^ Some oil companies, therefore, provided by the standards of the time an adequate scavenging service to their tenants.By the middle of the 1880s Parochial Boards, acting under the 1867 Public Health Act, had secured for some of the populous areas of the shale district the benefits of improved water supplies and some attention to drainage, scavenging and the disposal of household refuse. In the majority of cases, however, families in the new villages built by the oil companies were dependent on their employers for some or all of these services, although there is evidence of some supervision by Parochial Boards. In 1886, the Linlithgow Parochial Board received a report from its Sanitary Inspector, stating that he had inspected Champfleurie, Bridgend and Philpstoun Rows and had found their sanitary state s a t i s f a c t o r y . In liLd Calder parish in the same year, the Medical Officer reported on the necessity for *a strict outlook to be kept on the emptying of the public privies* at Pumpherston. In 1888 he recommended that thePumpherston Company should be instructed to remove their manure heaps once a week.^^^^) Later in the same year, the Sanitary Inspector reported that, 'The ashpits and privies at(233) Ibid.(234) Ibid.. 9.10.1886.(235) M d Calder Parochial Board, Minutes, 12.10.1886.(236) Ibid., 4.8.1888.417Pumpherston Rows are being regularly cleaned by the Pumpherston Oil Company according to your directions.The activities of the Parochial Boards can be said to have established the principle of intervention by the community in the affairs of individuals where these affected the interests of the community at large. However, the practical achievements of the Boards under the legislation of 1856 and 1867 are, to some extent, of doubtful value. There is evidence that, tliroughout the period of Parochial Board responsibility in this field, grossly insanitary conditions continued to exist and that the Boards were unable or unwilling to deal effectively with them.In 1878, the Chief Constable of Midlothian, Captain Munro, complained to the Board of Supervision regarding the general sanitary condition of West Calder, and in particular, - of its d r a i n a g e . I n 1879, Captain Munro, in his capacity as Chief Constable of West Lothian, made a similar complaint regarding Broxburn and Bathgate. In both Broxburn and West Calder, the limited activity of the Parochial Boards in respect of drainage was a direct result of this intervention. It is, in fact, difficult to avoid the conclusion that the Boards might other\^ rise have remained inactive.West Calder Parochial Board provides evidence of its own deficiencies. In 1877 a sub-committee was appointed to report on the sanitary state of the parish in anticipation of an outbreak of small-pox. It was directed to report on the(257) Ibid., 10.9.1888.(258) SRO Board of Supervision, Minutes, 18.10*1878. HH25/6.418'densely populated parts of the parish. ' The village of West Calder exhibited a 'deficiency in the matter of necessary offices', and a lack of proper gutters in places. The village could not be said to be 'in a proper sanitary condition*. At Gavieside, the new settlement associated with the works of the West Calder Oil Company, 30 yards of gutter had ^subsided and was full of stagnant water. At Loganlea, a coal mining village, the houses were 'excessively dirty', and there was an old well at the roadside 'with sewage running into it*. Addiewell was found 'not as clean as Mr. Darling reports it to be usually on iiis weekly visits, the public road on the north side of the village was in a very dirty state ».At I'luirhall the houses were very dirty. At Cobbinshaw, the drainage and water supply were in good order but a privy was found to be in an insanitary condition.Later in the same year, during consideration of the erection of a public necessary, or toilet, in West Calder, the Parochial Board received a report which stated that it was 'much required in this locality, seeing that the surroundings of the village and the roads leading to it in this direction are often in a condition that is incompatible with a due regard to the health and comfort of the community.Also in 1877, the Sanitary Inspector was instructed to 'write to various parties regarding the deficiency of necessary accommodation for their houses mentioned in his report.'(239) SRO West Calder Local Authority, Minutes, 22.1.1877.C02 91/1.(240) Ibid., 17.8.1877.(241) Ibid., 19.2.1877.419(242)Similar instructions were given in August of the same year.These entries might be held to indicate a high level of concern on the part of the Parochial Board. Alternatively they may reflect the Board's inability to effect lasting improvements. This latter view is given reinforcement by a letter in The West Lothian Courier. 'An Interested Looker- on' complained of *idie sanitary state of Upper Uphall, remarking on 'such a number of small dunghills walled off each other, not much larger than a horse's stall, all arranged before the people's doors, some of these not four paces from some of the doors'In 1891 The West Lothian Courier carried a leading article entitled 'Sanitation in Broxburn', which is worth quoting at length as evidence of contemporary opinion on local conditions :As science of all kinds is making rapid strides just now, sanitary science with the many seems also to be divesting itself of swaddling clothes, and seeking to don a more advanced garb, as may be judged by the International Congress held in London this year.Eminent men from all parts of the world met there to consider the best means of maintaining the public health. It would have been practical for some to have stepped along to Broxburn in the heat of the summer just gone by. Sanitation deals with the home and how to keep it healthy, and in order to accomplish this there must be a pure water supply, pure air and the best means for the disposal of refuse. Regarding the latter, there are two ways of(242) Ibid., 5.8.1877.(245) West Lothian Courier. 8.1.1887.420getting rid of it; by means of the conservancy system, and idiis water carriage system. The conservancy system is applied in Broxburn, namely, in keeping the refuse in privies and ash-bins, and then taken away in carts to some place outside the town. In rural districts, where every cottage has its ash-bin and privy in the garden attached, it has often been found that the water supply is fearfully contaminated. In villages where each tenement has its own ash-bin and privy, but whose water supply is brought from a distance, the water may not be contaminated, but in many instances the ash-bin is allowed to run over, and the privies in much the same state. For example, a tenement in Broxburn, consisting of fifteen houses, and all occupied, has for the convenience of the tenants - perhaps numbering forty - only two privies which are so deplorably filthy that much danger is imminent. Dr. Parker says in his well known book "Bÿgiene and Public Health”, 'There can be no doubt that all conservancy systems proceed on a wrong principle, namely, that of keeping excremental matter in or near dwellings; but with frequent removal, proper cleansing and ample accommodation to suit the public need the danger may be reduced to minimum. ' But alas in Broxburn we sigh in vain for these little measures to be taken. Again there is the “leggit sink", for generations pure and wholesome, but now converted into a serfage drain. Bo'ness is famed for its bells, Broxburn is famed for its smells, so says an authority on both. When the wind hails from the southward, the aroma peculiar to the bonemill gently plays upon the streets. With piggeries and slaughter houses nestling beautifully in our midst and around our borders the fragrance is at times most uncommon,not to say palatable. The refuse from these is banged into heaps, and the liquid wends its gentle way down to the leggit sink as best it can. Up Groschen Place way things are worse, so we still have something to be proud of. We arent so bad as our neighbours. Not until some disease breaks upon the place may we look for a spurt, but hush why all this reviling? Havent we got a new scavenger and a box barrow? For such may we indeed be truly thankful, Amen. (244)In consideration of such deficiencies in the elementary decencies of life there is a danger that we may allow present day standards to colour our judgement of the habits of ournineteenth century forebears. With this in mind, it must be/admitted that improvements effected by Parochial Boards under the 1867 Act were often substantial. There was, however, even during the period of their activity, considerable criticism of their suitability as instruments of communal action on sanitary matters. 'The duties of rural Sanitary Authorities were sometimes more difficult to discharge than those of urban Authorities: without urban powers, they mightbe required to watch over the public health of communitieswhich were, in population and area, townsThe Parochial Boards were, in the main, unrepresentative of the people of the parish. The larger ratepayers, or heritors, were members as individuals. In the shale area,these included the landowners and the oil companies. Kirk(244) Ibid., 7.11.1891.(245) Thomas Ferguson, Scottish Social Welfare. 1864-1914 (Edinburgh, 1958) p.' "l6'4.""' "422Sessions nominated a number of members and two were elected by the ordinary ratepayers . The dominant voices were those of the landowners and the oil companies, whose main interest naturally lay in keeping assessments at as low a level as possible. In West Calder parish, as indicated earlier, representatives of Young's Company frequently attempted to block or delay measures aimed at the in^rovement of sanitary conditions in the village of West Calder. The company's houses at Happy land were excluded from the West Calder Drainage District because of this attitude.It is possible to test the validity of criticism of Parochial Boards viz-a-viz Burghs. This uses data on Public Health expenditure given in the Annual Reports of the Board of Supervision. The information is available for the parishes from 1858 but only from 1880 in respect of the burghs As indicated earlier there were, in fact, no burghs within the area affected by the shale industry, but on its periphery were the small towns of Bathgate, Bo'ness and Armadale. In 1891 the population of Bathgate was 5,331, Bo 'ness 5,886 and Armadale 3,190. In the same year the village of West Calder had 2,516 inhabitants and Broxburn 5,898. Within the parish of West Calder, the three settlements of Addiewell, Mossend and Gavieside sheltered more than 2,500 persons. It seems reasonable, therefore, to compare the sanitary provision of these two parishes with that of the three towns. Tables of the expenditure of the three Burgh Authorities are on page#24, and of the Parish Authorities on pages 396 to 402.(246) SRO West Calder Local Authority, Minutes, 23.5.1879.C02 91/1.423Over the period, %hall Parochial Board spent a total of £11,356 or £1.312 per person and the West Calder Board spent £4,696 or £0.796 per person. The town of Bo'ness expended £27,326 or £4.64 per person, Bathgate £7,535 or £1.413 per person and Armadale £2,024 or £0.63 per person.If it is taken into consideration that most, if not all of the parish expense was incurred in respect of the villages, the average figures for Uphall and West Calder parishes can be amended by dividing the total expenditure by the populations of West Calder village in the one case and the total of Uphall and Broxburn villages in the other. The average for Broxbum/%hall becomes £1 *663 per person and for West Calder £1.866.It could be argued that the parish accounts do not include the amounts spent by the oil conpanies in respect of . services to houses in their ownership. In West Calder parish in 1891, £174 was spent by the companies on cleansing.At Addiewell a water supply was provided by Young's Company It is possible, however, that similar expenditure was incurred by concerns, e.g. colliery oimers, owning houses within the towns. Bathgate, Bo'ness and Armadale all contained houses owned by colliery proprietors. Conversely it is also the case that Aimadale had adopted only the water clauses of the 1862 Act, and that, in consequence, some of the expenditure of Bathgate Parochial Board was incurred in respect of • Armadale.(247) West Lothian Courier. 28.11.1891.(248) Medical Officer, Midlothian, 1891, p. 3. SRO HH62/1.424aaII1_ «H c O O - PI03 O 0) -P •H O kcd 03 rH (D Cd 0 ) COs(Üo— 0 3o H Ü■p 03>O « H 0 3CO 0 3 G O • H ..CO k 0 3 qCd Od s-p1 • Hed Td i H0 ) c CdU 0 3 -p< A • HX P40 ) 0 3t H O(d KACO> î0 3 r H;=J 0 3 A-p - P P hqo > CO+»-p 0 3(d bOo Cd (4Ü acd • HcdTd 4^cd A0 3 boÛ) bo q• H q • H- P • H 0 3 bo• H -p q aU A • HO bo 0 3 >O! 'd 1—1 cS- P A o P4<0 3 0 3o o• H qt H O edjO Cp • H( H o cd• H -pi H abo■qu ( 2 sOVOt<>T-LnO'43Lf\ C— T - T - K \ CO «:}■^voo\(\]cnir\f-(f\. « b « k . « « • » * « »CM*-'r-CT\'^ tAC\JOvJCTi CJ C'- CTi VO C\J LTV^ CO T— m cr> mC M C V J V O r - T - C M C T \CM'^ 'iJ’tA»— ■'— ITvLTV^ - C ^ C - v 0 ^ ^ ^ ç r >•^ cTiCTicocococricrvC - V O C T i C M O C — [— VO (TiCOf-COvOT+'Ti-COr \ r \ r -'ifOir'CM-^COCMCT»O V O V D C M » - C A O ’ —T 3- T - T - C M C M C M C M < -CM O CM CMVO Q) VO -«d- m O tcN k m VO g CM ^ Q) VO C - CO (O 00 - pcCO ^ ^ t — COM c— VO CM CM CM CM CMC OtoivoinvocMintncM C O t - C M O O O O C C N ^ ^ CM CM CM CM CMi r \ i f \ T i - T f C OK \ " d " L f \ L T V T fCCNC-O CMC^C^fCVO O O f C \ C M V O r — r — ▼ “m < - r - CO c— VO VOr\ cc\ r\tc\ r\ to»T - O O J V O C M ' i d - t - C \ t AOO t A r - CO 0 0 CO C M C A T — C A V — T “cTi-d-tAintAid-crico VO cÿivo "d-'d-^ c— co ^ t A "d- O C-~T - CM CM LTi CM CM CA Cr CM CO mtAt>iAOC3^VOQ''- lAlA-i— 'd-C'-C~q 0 3q - Po Au • H( 3 0 3■ a ) O0 3C A o dO0 3i H f 4A qq q9 4t - C M O C — A O O C M C AT - V O ' d - C O C O C A ' A ' d -C O f - A C M C M C M V O i -T — V — T — C M C M C A C M C AT - C M C A d - A V D C ' - O O C O C O C O C O C O C O O O C O CO 00 CO CO CO CO CO COCA A [ — CO C ' - d - 'd - 'd "A C A « - d - Q A C OT - O C M O O C A C A O• ' - C M C A d - A V O O C OC O C O C O O O C O O Q C O O Oc c c o c o c o c o r a c o c oCA T - d - d - C A C A C ~ - 0 t- C A O O C O i - C A C M O CA f — V— T— CM f " CM CAi - C M C A d - A V O A - C Dc o c o c o c o c o o o g c oc o c o c o c o c o c o c o c o42gHowever ) it remains clear that the per capita: expenditure of the Burgh of Bo *ness was roughly two and a half times greater than that of the best of the remaining authorities • Armadale Burgh spent less than one seventh of the amount expended by Bo'ness. It is evident that, in West Lothian, there was considerable variation in performance among the various Local Authorities, but that the Parochial Boards were not necessarily the worst offenders in sanitary matters.The accounts available provide more detail and it is in this that the comparison is most fruitful. The town of Bo*ness and the parishes of üphall and West Calder spent considerable sums on drainage and water supply. During the same period, the toim of Bathgate spent no large sums under either head, but a fairly regular level of expenditure may well have been occasioned by repayment of debts incurred earlier# It is true, however, that the town's water supply and drainage had been the subject of adverse comment as early as 1874, when reference was made to a temporary expedient(249)involving surplus water from the Glenmavis Distillery dam.'In 1889, the water supply was again criticised and a shortage was again made good by resort to the distillery dam.^^^^^The tov/ns of Bo'ness and Bathgate devoted considerable sums to lighting, cleansing and paving. Over the period Bathgate spent £2,760 and Bo'ness £7,351. In contrast, under the equivalent head, Removal of Nuisances, Uphall parish spent only £317 and West Calder, £1,185. It is here, therefore,(249) West Lothian Courier. 9*5-1874.(250) Ibid.. 12.10.1889.426that there exists the greatest contrast between the Parochial Boards and the Burgh Authorities, West Calder was not provided with street lighting until 1893.^^ ^1) In 1898 Broxburn had sixteen gas street lamps, mainly in the main s t r e e t , E f f e c t i v e lighting was not provided until early in the twentieth century. In 1903, the local newspaper was moved to complain that *we are into the darkness although we manufacture light to the world, ' Anelectric generator was installed in 1903 which provided street lighting and current to private consumers.However, not all Burgh Authorities were as forward looking as those of Bo'ness, Armadale was arguably worse off under its Commissioners than any village under its Parochial Board. In 1879, the tov/n was the subject of complaint by the Chief Constable to the Board of Siipervision, and was adversely reported on by the Board's Inspector.The Board's Secretary ivas instructed to intimate to the Local Authority that 'the disgraceful and dangerous condition of the Burgh cannot be allowed to continue ', Some eighteenmonths earlier, the Bathgate Parochial Board had received a report from its Medical Officer indicating that Armadale was in an unsanitary condition due to inadequate drains and the accumulation of filth. It is obvious that nothing had(251) West Calder Cooperative Society, V/est Calder and its Coopérative Societv (West Calder, p. li4.(252) Linlithgowshire Gazette. 26,11.1898.(253) West Lothian Courier. 23.12.1903.(254) Bathgate District Committee, 1903-1903, passim.(253) SRO Board of Supervision, I^ inutes, 12,6,1879 et, seq. HH23/6.(236) Ibid., 17-7.1879,(237) Bathgate Parochial Board, Minutes, 20.2.1878, The Minutes of this body are held in the Local Collection of West Lothian District Council's Library service at Bathgate,427occurred in the interval to ameliorate the situation.Armadale continued to experience sanitary problems and in 1888 the Sanitary Inspector was so moved by the intransigence of the Commissioners as to threaten to send his report direct to the Board of Supervision.The county town, Linlithgow, was also the subject of contemporary comment. In 1886 a correspondent of the Dailv Nhil, signing himself 'Caller Air', described the place as 'a more filthy smelling town I was never in*. He also claimed that, 'Sanitary enactments have no part here.It is clear, therefore, that burgh status did not, of itself, confer upon a community the benefits of improved sanitation. The evidence suggests only that, where the desire for improvement existed, the power to implement it was more readily available to Burghs than to rural communities.ii) 1891-1914, COUNTY COUNCILS AND THEIR DISTRICT COMMITTEESIn 1889, the Public Health functions of the Parochial Boards were transferred to the newly created County Councils which eventually became responsible to the Local Government Board. The history of public health in the Almond valley shale communities from 1890 to 1914 is, therefore, that of the activities of the Calder District Committee of the Mid Lothian County Council and of the Bathgate District Committee of the West Lothian County Council.(238) West Lothian Courier. 18.2.1888(239) Ibid.. 9.10.1886.428The District Committees had responsibility for Housing, Public Health and Roads, Their earliest officers were the Medical Officer of Health, Sanitary Inspectors and Road Surveyors. M d and West Lothian joined with Peebles in employing a single Medical Officer, but each county had its own Sanitary and Road officials. The major sources are committee minutes and Medical Officers' annual reports, supplemented by press reports of committee activities.Parochial Boards had made some progress in the provision of piped water supply, but matters were not in a satisfactory state in every pait of the area. As indicated earlier, the Medical Officer, in his report for 1891, commented adversely on the supply to many communities. Most of these references were to areas in which there had, in fact, been no intervention by the Boards, e.g. Deans and Starlaw, Hermand, Breich, Kirkliston and Winchburgh. However, even where supplieshad been introduced, difficulties had arisen. In East and West Calder imter shortages were an early subject of discussion by the Calder District Committee. At Broxburn and Uphall the simply from the Binny reservoir had been installed in 1883 at a cost of almost £6,000. In 1891 the Medical Officer reported that the reservoir was 'almost dry, and the filters unmanageable, the town of Broxburn being compelled to use /^ater from a mine where men were at work '. ^ Again, in 1893, waterfrom a disused pit at Castlehill (Uphall) was used.^^^^^(260) SRO Medical Officer, West Lothian, 1891, pp. 5-10 HH62/2.(261) Ibid., p. 7.(262) West Lothian Courier. 2.9.1893*429Among the first acts of the new Bathgate District Committee was the construction of a new reservoir near Airdrie, to serve much of the District. Water was also ; supplied to the works and village at Pumpherston although they were actually in Midlothian. The project arousedconsiderable feeling, not always in its favour. In 1891 the Bathgate District Committee received a petition from 241 ratepayers of Uphall parish, claiming that the existing supply from the Binny reservoir was sufficient for the needs of Uphall and Broxburn. At the same meeting a petition from inhabitants of Broxburn requested an additional supply. The main argument against the new project was that three oil works outside the existing water district area were supplied from the Binny reservoir, and that if this practice ceased the supply would be ample for the domestic needs of the water district. John Wilson, the Shale Itoers* agent, intervened strongly, condemning the new project. He claimed that the oil company paid £37 to the parish for mter supplied to its worlcmen's houses. The men were then charged £337 for the water.The scheme was completed in 1893 and was praised by the local press as welcome though c o s t l y , I n 1896 a leading article on the new water supply referred to the considerable opposition engendered in the planning stages, and to the fact that it was now recognised 'as one of the greatest boons that(263) Ibid.. 13.12.1890 and 3.12.1892.(264) Ibid.. 19,8.1893.430has been conferred on the county. In West Lothianpublic opinion and the County Council were obviously more enlightened than those identified by Ferguson when he stated . that, 'Many local authorities regarded it as a formidable undertaking to embark on a gravitation water supply: thecost \m.3 often viewed as ruinous and "water schemes" were responsible for many heated debates in local Councils.The benefits of the new scheme were readily available in the case of newly built houses. These were able to be connected to the supply and to have water available internally. From this time ommrds, the minutes of the District Committee contain many references to applications by proprietors of new buildings for a %fater supply. These included requests by developers building small numbers of houses in Kirkhill Road and the Old Tovm, in Broxburn. Expanding oil companies, notably those at Pumpherston and Oakbank, built large numbers of houses to accommodate workers at their new works and mines in Livingston Station, Seafield and Winchburgh* ©lese were all equipped with sculleries and an internal water supply.In the case of existing dwellings, the method of supply was generally unchanged. In most instances these were served by 'Pillar* wells in the street, each serving a considerable number of houses. The term 'well* was, and is, locally used to describe a tap connected to a piped water supply.Figure 40 shows a typical specimen in use. The difficulties(263) Ibid.. 25.7.1896.(266) Ferguson, op. cit.. p. 187.431in housekeeping arising from this can readily he imagined.It is on record that a middle-aged woman, the mother of seven children, 'dropped down dead v/hile returning from the street well (at Goschen Place, Broxburn) with a pailful of water'. (^ ^^) Ihis admittedly extreme incident serves to highlight what must have constituted a considerable problem to mothers of working- class families.Shortly before the Great War the oil companies began the provision in their existing houses of sculleries with an internal water supply. The Broxburn Company commenced this work in 1 9 1 1 , and Young's and the Oakbank Conpanies in 1914.(^ 9^) The Pumpherston Company had completed before 1914 an improvement programme in most of its houses at Seafield and Pumpherston. However, many of' the older houses remained dependent on external water supplies until well after the Great War. Houses at Kingscavil, Bridgend, Niddrie, Easter Briech and at Greendykes Road and Holygate in Broxburn remained in this condition until the 19308.(^ ^0) ^ late as1903 Young's Conpany built at Uphall Station new houses with a water sipply from traditional street hydrants. ^The new water supply did not immediately provide for the(267) West Lothian Courier. 28.1.1904.(268) Bathgate District Committee, 19.9*1911.(269) SRO, Calder District Committee, 30.9.1914 and 31*3*1913 002 61/4, Scotsman 2.6.1913, Report of Directors of Young's Paraffin Light and Mineral Oil Co. Ltd.(270) Bathgate District Committee, 19.3*1929; West Lothian County Council, Minutes Public Health Committee, Housing Sub-Committee, 3*10.1930, 28.8.1934 and 1.8.1933*(271) Bathgate District Committee, 22.12.1903*432needs of the whole district. In 1903 the village ofLivingston was identified by the Sanitary Inspector as theprincipal mmong 'those few places in the district dependenton surface wells for their supply of water'. During thatyear's dry summer, the Inspector had felt constrained not tosample the wells there because of there 'not being any means -at present of introducing a gravitation supply' Heasked that the Committee should treat the village as apriority case for such provision.Earlier in the same year the Sanitary Inspector and theMedical Officer had submitted a report on v/ater supplied fromsurface sources to a small group of houses at East Burnside,near Broxburn:One of the existing water supplies is led from a bore at the east of the properties to two sunk wells or holes in the ground where the people dip it.This is not at all satisfactory, as these holes are liable to pollution from their close proximity to the dwellings and piggeries. In the other case the supply is a sunk v/ell in the garden, where the water is also dipped* This well is liable, when there is heavy rain, to be contaminated both by road washings and water from the burn %#iich flows past.Action by the Bathgate District Committee to provide a link With the gravitation supply was resisted by the proprietors, who claimed that there was a sufficient supply. However the County Analyst declared the water unfit for domestic purposes and the Committee won the day.(272) West Lothian Courier. 29*9.1903.(273) Ibid.. 7.4.1903.433The benefits of a piped water supply were graduallyextended throughout the area and in 1910 the Medical Officerwas able to report that, 'Practically the whole of theDistrict (Batligate) is now provided with a gravitation supplyof good quality. ' Statistical evidence of the use ofthe water supply is regrettably slight. Vflaat there issuggests thatjbefore the Great War, it was considerably lowerthan that of the present day. In 1903 the diairman of theBathgate District Committee calculated the consumption in theDistrict as 33 gallons per day per head of population.This average appears to include all users, i.e. it may notdistinguish between domestic and industrial supplies. At anyrate statistics of consumption at Pumpherston Rows, a villageof some 200 houses, show that for the period from the first ofI%y 1901 to the first of November 1901 the usage was 3,080,700(276)gallons, an average of 19 gallons per household per day. ' *In 1971, in Lothian Region, the consumption by domestic users was 205 litres(^^^) per head per day, or 43 gallons, a figure considerably in excess of the usage at Pumpherston Rows in 1903* It is obvious that the absence of amenities such as baths, sculleries and internal water supply serve to reduce water consumption. The available statistics serve only to confirm that assmption.(274) SRO Medical Officer, West Lothian, 1910, p. 20. HH62/40.(273) Bathgate District Committee, Paper on Bathgate District Water Supply by Thomas Hope, Chairman, 17,4.1903, p. 3*(276) Ibid., Memorandum dated 24.4.1903 by Chairman concerning the supply of water to oilworks.(277) Central Scotland Water Development Board, Water for Central Scotland (Edinburgh, 1977), P- 23.434In respect of drainage the new District Committees, in some instances, inherited the results of previous action by Parochial Boards, In West Calder and Broxburn, drainage schemes of a limited nature had been carried out. After 1891, local authority activity in this field consisted of improvements within existing Drainage Districts, the extension of such Districts and the creation of new Districts. For instance, in 1908, the Medical Officer reported that, *A number of extensions have been made in the Broxburn District to allow for the introduction of water closets to several properties, and this has resulted in a distinct sanitary i m p r o v e m e n t . I n 1909, nineteen years after the creation of the County Councils, the Medical Officer was able to point to the existence of seven Drainage Districts within the area of the Bathgate District Committee.These improvements were not achieved without difficulty and opposition. The formation of a Drainage District could and often did arouse local objections. The sequence of events leading to the creation of the Uphall District in 1907 well illustrates the difficulties encountered by sanitary reformers in the early twentieth century.In April 1906, the Bathgate District Committee asked the Broxburn Drainage Committee to report on the desirability of a Drainage District for the village of Uphall. At about the same time the latter body had under consideration a complaint from Young's Paraffin Light and Mineral Oil Company(278) SRO Medical Officer, West Lothian, 1908, p. 20. HH62/36.(279) Ibid., 1909, p. 14. HH62/38.433regarding the pollution hy sewage of the clear water tanks at its Uphall Works, After inspection the Drainage Committee found that ditches in the area were 'much polluted with sewage*, and that some houses were 'quite without drainage' Despite this and their previous expressions of concern, the company, when the District Committee recommended the formation of a Drainage District, made strong representations to have their property e x c l u d e d . O p p o s i t i o n was also encountered from individual ratepayers. In April 1907, a petition was presented opposing the proposal on the grounds of unnecessary expense, lack of immediate need and the absence of any nuisance or specific complaint regarding the existing d r a i n a g e . A f t e r the formation of the new District had been approved, a requisition for its abolition was submitted to the District Committee. Hiis bore the signatures of local- merchants and tradesmen as well as those of ratepayers in the employ of Young's C o m p a n y . A u t h o r i t y to proceed was finally given in February 1909, nearly three years after the project had first been mooted.The formation of a Drainage District did not mean the end of difficulties. The minutes of Bathgate District Committee contain a number of instances of the Sanitary Inspector being authorised to connect premises to the main sewer, where the proprietors had failed to do so.(^^^^ It(280) Bathgate District Committee, 9.7.1906.(281) Ibid., 11.12.1906.(282) Ibid., 9.4.1907.(283) Ibid., 16.7.1907,(284) Ibid., 9.2.1909.(285) Ibid., 11.12.1900, 12.4.1904 and 8.3.1910.436is evident that some element of compulsion was required.There were also problems associated with drains laid by predecessor authorities. In 1896, the Sanitary Inspector reported to the Bathgate District Committee that a main drain in the Old Town, Broxburn was too small, had insufficient fall and was too shallow, which led to flooding in wet weather.It v;as also objectionable in that it ran underneath a dwelling h o u s e . I n 1903, investigation of danpness in a house also in the Old Tomi disclosed that a drain from a street gully consisted of .'apen field tiles, and ran right through the centre of the property. It was completely choked up.In 1891, at West Calder, it was discovered that a drain at the West End had not been connected to the main sewer in the bed of the Syke.(^^^However, the major problem faced by the Drainage Districts was the ultimate disposal of sewage now containing the effluent of a growing number of water closets. This was compounded by a continuing misuse of drainage facilities. In both Broxburn and West Calder, drainage in the 19th century was provided by natural streams running through or close to the villages. After the formation of Drainage Districts these streams continued to form the main drains. The drainage scheme at West Calder, initiated in 1878 as a result of a conplaint by the Chief Constable, consisted largely of(286) West Lothian Courier, 11.1.1896.(287) Ibid., 12.6.1903.(288) SRO West Calder Water and Drainage Sub-Committee,Minutes, 7.8.1891. C02 93/1.437culverting the %rke which ran along the main street.Such natural drainage may well have been adequate for the task of disposing of surface water in a nineteenth century village.. However, after the founding of the shale industry, Broxburn and West Calder grew to the size of small towns and their drains had to cope with the effluents of industry and commerce as well as with new methods of disposal of human excreta.In 1893, a correspondent in the local press commented on the state of the West Calder bum as it passed the houses at Mossend and Gavieside. Effluent from slaughterhouses was mentioned, as was the fact that the bum was not large enough to carry away effectively the large amount of sewage then entering it.(^^^^At Broxbum two streams were involved. The village was* built on a ridge between the Liggat Syke to the north and the Brox Bum to the south. Both received drainage from the village. In 1892 the Brox bum was described by the Medical Officer as an 'open s e w e r I n 1893, a letter in the local newspaper described the Liggat Syke as having only a small supply of water, mainly derived from the condenser of a pit engine, The stream received the sewage from Shrine Place, I'lid Street, West Street and Greendykes Road.(^^^^ In 1894, the Medical Officer described the Broxbum drainage as unsatisfactory and recommended that, 'It ought to be collected(289) SRO West Calder Local Authority, Idinutes, 11.4.1879.C02 91/1.(290) West Lothian Courier. 24.6.1893.(291) SRO Medical Officer, West Lothian, 1892, p. 17. HH62/4.(292) West Lothian Courier. 1.7.1393.438to a main sewer and conveyed to some suitable irrigating ground. ' Although considerable expense would be necessary he considered that 'the size and importance of the to\m demand it.'(^^^^ However, as late as 1896, the District Committee is found simply tinkering with the problem when it directed the laying of a 15 inch drain from the Old Tovm to the Brox bum.(^^^^The pollution of natural water courses by sewage became an enormously greater problem with the introduction of water closets. Sanitary authorities in the area found themselves in a considerable dilemma. On the one hand there was a substantial additional burden on already inadequate drainage systems, while, on the other, the new water closets were a considerable improvement on the privy middens which were the * only alternative. In the parishes and counties, local authorities had no powers of compulsion in this matter such as had been given to Burghs in 1862. In fact the Building Bye- Laws in force in Mid and West Lothian in 1913 did not preclude the construction of houses with privy m i d d e n s . S a n i t a r y officials were, however, able to influence the builders of new property towards the provision of water closets and Dr. Robb stated in 1913 that such conveniences were 'as a rule provided in connection with the houses now being erected.(293) SRO Medical Officer, West Lothian, 1894, pp. 1-2. HH62/8.(294) Bathgate District Committee, 11.2.1896.(295) RCH, Evidence. Vol. 1, p. 255. Evidence of Dr. Robb, Medical Officer for West Lothian.(296) Ibid.439Medical Officers and Sfedtary Inspectors also made strenuous efforts to secure the replacement of privy middens by water closets in older properties.The earliest record of,the installation of water closets in the Almond Valley is of bhe constructed by the West Calder Co-operative Society in 1 8 8 1 . Further specimen^ were noted at Gavieside school in 1885, and in the same yearat the premises of John Thomson, a West Calder provisionm e r c h a n t . B y the end of the first decade of the twentieth century, the water closet was the normal provision in new contruction. At Seafield, Livingston Station,Woolfords and Tarbrax, houses built by the Pumpherston Oil Company were all served by water carriage systems. Similar provision was made by the Oakbank Company in its new houses at Winchburgh. As indicated earlier privately built housing in Broxbum enjoyed similar benefits. /At first, water closets were provided in the ratio ofone to two or more dwellings. At Tarbrax, the earliesthouses built by the Pumpherston Oil Company shared one between two houses as did the first 24 houses constructed for the same company at Woolfords. A similar distinction existed between the earlier and later houses at Livingston Station. Similar arrangements existed in houses built by private landlords. Tvfelve houses at Bank Buildings in Broxbum were served by(297) SRO West Calder Local Authority, Minutes, 13.8.1880.(298) Ibid., 7.8.1885.(299) Ibid., 4.9.1885.440four water closets. In 1896 these houses were described as being of 'recent c o n s t r u c t i o n ' L a t e r houses such as those at Alexander Street, Uphall, often had individual provision.The increased pollution resulting from the extension of water carriage of sewage found frequent mention in the minutes of the various committees responsible for the Almond Valley. In 1897, the Sanitary Inspector reported to the Bathgate District Committee on the condition of the Broxbum at New Holygate. The proprietor, Lord Cardross, had been requested to deal with the nuisance, but it still existed 'in a more exaggerated form, as a good number of water closets have now been led into it.'(^^^) The Sanitary Inspector also referred to the new feus west of the Holygate railway bridge, where water closets had been installed with drainage into a ditch in front of them. At Mid Calder, until 1907, the drainage of the manse had run straight into a ditch adjoining the public road.(^^^^ At Livingston Station, the drainage of four houses discharged into a ditch and from there found its way into a curling pond.(^^^)This kind of problem was to some extent solved by the 1897 Public Health Act, which empowered District Committees to require proprietors to connect their drains to the main sewer. In the Almond valley these powers were used extensively . in the period up to the Great War, particularly in Broxbum.(300) West Lothian Courier. 10.10.1896.(301) Ibid.. 12.6.1897.(303) SRO Medical Officer, Midlothian, 1907, p. 19. HH62/33.(303) Bathgate District Committee, 12.12.1911.441The problM of using natural streams as main sewers remained.In Broxburn, the offensive nature of the Liggat Syke wasdiminished when it was culverted for part of its c o u r s e . ^The project was first discussed in May, 1901 but not implementeduntil 1904. Limited measures were also taken to remedy thebasic cause of pollution. In 1900, the Sanitary Inspectorreported to the Bathgate District Committee that 'all solidsare intercepted by a cesspool, and nothing but liquid matteris discharged into the bum, and that no nuisance under the(305)terms of the Public Health Act is created thereby. ' 'However, in 1905, proposals for a sewage treatment works were shelved because of the cost,^^^^) and the matter was not reopened until 1911.(^07) As indicated earlier the Uphall sewage was the subject of local debate and it was eventually decided that it should be carried in a pipe laid along the line of the Brox Bum to enter the stream at a point to the east of Broxbum, so that the village was relieved of the effects of pollution from that source.Drainage problems were exacerbated by the indiscriminate use of water courses for the disposal of refuse. The Board of Supervision minuted the receipt in 1887 of a complaint from Mr. W.W. Forsyth of Broxbum concerning 'the filthy state of the Brox bum opposite his feu'.(^^^^ In 1895 he again(304) Ibid., 9.5.1901; Medical Officer, West Lothian, 1904, p. 17. HH62/28.(305) Bathgate District Committee, 16.1.1900.(306) Ibid., 12.12.1905.(307) Ibid., 11.4.1911.(308) Ibid., 1.12.1908, 9.2.1909, 8.661909.(309) SRO Board of Supervision, Minutes, 24.8.1887* HH25/442complained to the Board and the matter was referred to the Bathgate District Committee, the Broxbum Local Sub-Committee of which met at the locus of complaint, i.e. the Brox Bum at - the bridge over the stream at the junction of Station Road and the Old To m . Tlie Sub-Committee resolved to erect a wall and gate to prevent access to the bum. It was also decided that the problem arose from the large stones in the stream bed which prevented the free passage of the rubbish cast into the bum. Steps were to be taken to have these removed.In this minute there is an inplicit acceptance of the stream as a legitimate vehicle for refuse disposal.There is some evidence as to the source of this type of pollution. An employee of a local fruit merchant was reported to have thrown 'a quantity of decayed fruit into the Brox Bum at the Miller's B r i d g e . H o w e v e r the bulk of the pollution was related to household refuse. In 1901, the Sanitary Inspector complained of the inhabitants of Burnside in Broxbum, 'making an ashpit of the burn in front of their houses. I N o t i c e s were served on the offenders but the practice continued. In 1903 it was again mentioned by the Sanitary Inspector^^^^^ and in 1903 a complaint by a local medical practitioner regarding the burn was fully endorsed by the Medical Officer.(310) Bathgate District Committee, 14.11.1893, Minute of meeting of Broxbum Local Sub-Committee at Broxbum on 21.9.1893.(311) Bathgate District Committee, 16.9.1913.(312) West Lothian Courier. 12.7.1901.(313) Ibid.. 12.6,1903,(314) SRO Medical Officer, West Lothian, 1903, pp. 23-4. HH62/30,443Responsibility cannot be attributed solely to the occupiers of the houses adjoining the bum. There was, not infrequently, a deficiency in, or a complete lack of^ ashpit accommodation. In 1903 the Sanitary Inspector related the dumping of rubbish in the Brox bum to the want of such provision in eight properties in the Old Town. At the same time he drew attention to another aspect of the problem in reporting the serving of a notice on a proprietor in Upper Uphall, requiring him to 'erect suitable ashpit and privy accommodation for their tenants there, and so prevent them enptying ashes and rubbish on the side of the public road.'(^^^^ This was a long standing problem. In 1894 the Medical Officer had commented on the need for 'a very great improvement in closet and ashpit a c c o m m o d ation,and in 1893 an order requiring attention to this had been s e r v e d . T h e Medical Officer in 1893 remarked on the large number of houses in Broxbum without sufficient closet accommodation. (^1^)An indication of the scale of the problem facing the District Committees can be got from consideration of reports submitted in 1896 by the Sanitary Inspector and the Medical Officer. These were prepared in response to a complaint from the Uphall Parish Council regarding conditions in houses belonging to the Broxbum Oil Company at Holygate, Greendykes Road and Stewartfield, and in houses leased by them at Church Road. In every case the sanitary provision took the form of(313) West Lothian Courier. 12.6.1903.(316) SRO Medical Officer, West Lothian, 1894, p. 2. HH62/8.(317) Bathgate District Committee, 19.11.1893*(318) SRO Medical Officer, West Lothian, 1893, p.19. HH62/10.444ashpits and privies. Ashpits were normally shared between ten to fifteen households, and over the whole of the Company's housing stock one privy seat was provided for every three households. The ashpits and privies were built together.At Greendykes Road there were 'ten erections with ten ashpits and seats in privies to accommodate 40 p e r s o n s ' . A t Church Street, there were 53 houses sharing five ashpits and nine privies, i.e. one privy per six houses.In general terms the comments of the Medical Officer and the Sanitary Inspector on houses owned by the Company were not unfavourable. The sole recommendation for inprovement was that there should be a more frequent than weekly enp tying of the ashpits and privies. In contrast, houses occupied by oil workers and owned by landlords other than the Oil Company were severely criticised. The Sanitary Inspector calculated that . such houses, in Broxburn, numbered 119 and that they shared 29 closets, an average of four houses to each privy, a position slightly less favourable than that in the Oil Company's houses. The condition of some of the 119 houses provoked adverse comment. The Medical Officer described Shrine Place as consisting of sixteen houses with three privies for men and three for women, 'all in a very dirty condition and connected with a most filthy ashpit* Three houses in Buchan Lanehad no privy and an open ashpit. The Medical Officer'sreport is summarised in Table 10.4.(319) West Lothian Courier. 13*2.1896.(320) Ibid.(321) Ibid.443Table 10.4: Sanitary Provision in Various Houses in Broxbum*1896., PROPERTY N U M B E R O P OBSERVATIONSHouses Privies AshpitsShrine Place 16 6 1 Dirty, Ashpit FilthyBuchan Lane 3 None 1 Open AshpitBurnside 4 1 None4 None Not Stated Plenty of roomStation Road 14 2 1 Very foul ashpit10 2 1 Very foul ashpit7 1 1 Filthy ashpit <-3 None Not Stated8 1 1 Foul ashpit3 None 1 Ashpit a hole in the ground.6 1 1 Open ashpit3 1 Not Stated4 2 Not StatedMain Street 12 1 Not StatedOld Stewartfield 11 None None Property dilapidated, adjacent to a court surrounded by piggeries, which was swimming in sewage.New Holygate 40 12 3Old Holygate 69 14 3Greendykes Road 294 60 13New Stewartfield 96 24 6Church Street 33 9 3Source: Report to Bathgate District Committee by the MedicalOfficer and Sanitary Inspector, West Lothian Courier# 13.2.1896446The last five entries in the table refer to property ov/ned or leased by the Broxbum Oil Company. In terms of statistics these houses were better provided for thnn many of , the remainder, i.e. those houses which were let by private landlords. The type of provision made cannot be stated withcertainty. In 1886 the Board of Supervision received areport from its Inspecting Officer, I4alcolm McNeill, which stated that the 'chief centre of nuisance in all hamlets, villages, and small tovais is undoubtedly the combined privy and ashpit, the former a filthy and ruinous structirre, the latter open to every possible objection of situation, construction, and condition which can be urged*. Thisreport suggested that the solution was for Local Authorities to take it upon themselves to insist upon prpperly constructed' offices in new properties and to gradually extend this policy to old buildings. Along with the report was a sketch of a model privy and ashpit which could be built for £17 * This is reproduced as Figure 10.1.It is clear from the Medical Officer's report previously cited, that privies and ashpits in the privately rented houses in Broxbum did not achieve this standard. It is possible that the oil company houses were adequately provided for in this respect in Broxbum. Elsewhere, what evidence there is indicates that this was not always the case. Paddy Gallagher, an Irish immigrant worker at Uphall, described the privies at the Randy Rows (Stanlcards Row,(322) Board of Supervision, 41 st Annual Report, 1883-86, PP 1886, Vol. XXXII, p. 340.447Figure 10.1 : Sketch, of Ashpit and Privy( nrri’i/t:/r,' Jr-’ti tioof ■ , —^ rr.-. ,T rrr7 j:^ j.rz rz rÀ y j-i.'ir^ /7 .K rr ^ r r 7 r r ^ rrT rr^ rr7 T trrT /, ^^ t • I£ — ug '% : , ^ ; 4 if ) --------, — L . — .4 .Vs:— I: :? .Y ...-rr7rm.’iT7tr^Op^ uno tit hftrk a/ui 'Iront HrtH/tSeotioTi A. H. Ort b O U.(' apttr.ùyJ Cubit: Yard-n— — sPlan at E.F.SectionSource; Board of Supervision, Annual Report,1886,PP 1886, Vol .XKXII, p. 341.i448Uphall Station) in the following terms : •There was no "weehoose”, but one small yard had to serve* This yard was forabout twenty houses, every house packed with lodgers. There ,was a centre wall, one side for women, the other for the men.It took you some time to know which was which, as there wereno notices. There was a long stick for you to sit on and abig gullet underneath. • Similar arrangements obtainedat Deans Rows in the early twentieth c e n t u r y . T l i e s eprivies were obviously not unlike the *hen roost • closetscommon in mining areas in the nineteenth century and described( 325)in evidence to the Royal Commission on Labour in 1892.^The achievements of the District Committees in thisfield might best be assessed by consideration of the evidencegiven to the Royal Commission on Housing in 1913, some twentyyears after their assumption of responsibility. Theprincipal evidence is that of the Shale lilners • Unionrepresented by their Secretary, Robert Small, and Chairman,Robert Hood. They were assisted by an architect,Mr.,Theodore Irvine of Bathgate. Out of 3,500 housesowned by oil companies, 1,580 were identified as being without(327)water closets, and 1,490 lacked an internal water supply.'(323) Patrick Gallagher, My Story by Paddy the Cope (1939), p. 75.(324) The condition of these was described vividly in conversations mth John War dr ope a retired shale miner and former official of the Shale I^ îiners* Union.(325) Royal Commission on Labour, PP 1893-94, Vol. XXXII, p. 476.(326) RCH Evidence. Vol. 2, pp. 1185-94.(327) Ibid.. p. 1187.44BThe newer houses owned by tlxe oil companies were provided with water closets although, this provision was often in the ratio of one water closet to two houses, as at Tarbrax, Livingston . Station and Winchburgh. As water supplies improved the companies provided one closet per house. The Pumpherston Company had also been active in building water closets and sculleries for its older properties at Pumpherston and Seafield, although a proportion of its housing stock remained mimproved in 1914. The Broxbum Company commenced tliis work in 1912 when 64 water closets were built.The Oakbank Company and Young^s Company did not commence the construction of water closets etc. in their older houses until 1 9 1 4 . It is the case that Young*8 Company effected improvamant at the Happy Land in West Calder and atNiddry Rows, near Winchburgh, by the provision of pail closets in 1901 and 1905.^^^^^ Similar closets were built at Kingscavil and Bridgend in 1908.The design and condition of conveniences occasioned some comment by the Shale Miners• Union. Sanitation in houses owned by the Broxbum Company was described thus. • The existing privies are such that women cannot use them and men should not. They should be done away with absolutely, as should the ashpits and a daily system of refuse removal adopted.* With regard to the water closets provided by the(328) RCH Evidence. Vol. 1, p. 165, question 2838.(329) SRO Calder District Committee, 30.9.1914 and 31.3.1913* C02 61/4.(330) SRO Medical Officer, West Lothian, 1905, HH62/50; Midlothian, 1901, pp. 15-16. HH62/21.(331) Ibid., West Lothian, 1908, p. 7* HH62/36.450company at Stewartfield, the Union claimed that *the method taken ought to be condemned. There are eighteen closets facing each other, nine on each end of the gables of two blocks of houses. Each closet serves two households, thus you have the occupiers of all ages and sexes, from thirty-six houses, compelled,to come in contact. Such affords neither privacy nor decency. Water closets should be provided in each house. * In the photograph at Figure 41, theseclosets can be discerned at the end of the block of houses to the left and nearest the camera.Housing rented from landlords other than the oil companies was described as *in the main better built, with better accommodation*. Conversely, there were also ’a great number of houses which are very much worse in appearance, and ' also in accommodation, than many of the oil company rows.*' ' Tifo tenements, each of 27 houses y had seven water closets each. In one of these tenements, sixteen tenants shared three outside sînlis. Bank Buildings (indicated in Figure 4) consisted of twelve two-roomed back-to-back houses with one water closet for every three households. Water was supplied by standpipe, and drainage was by open c h a n n e l . T h i s property was of relatively modem construction. The sanitary condition of houses in Goschen Place, built at about the same time was, in 1890, blamed for an outbreak of typhoid.(332) RCH Evidence. Vol. 2, p. 1187.(333) Ibid.. p. 1190.(334) Ibid.(333) West Lothian Courier. 13.12.1890.451The older houses in Broxburn's Old Tov.n, were 'very bad indeed and call for serious attention*. ^ One property- had two privies and one wash-house for the use of eight tenants. Throughout the shale area, the Union identified •hundreds of houses wliich should be condemned as unfit for(337)human habitation. They cannot be made sanitary or modem. *'In their 24 years of responsibility for Sanitary conditions the District Committees of the County Councils in the Almond Valley had extended to nearly all of the shale area the benefits of a piped water supply of generally good quality. Any criticism of this was related to the point of supply to individual homes, i.e. water was not always available within houses but had to be fetched from street hydrants. Drainage schemes had been constructed in many parts of the valley.It must be conceded that the benefits of these, particularly in relation to non-oil company housing, had been confined largely to new properties. A considerable problem remained in older properties in the large villages and in small remote settlements. This was exacerbated by the deteriorating condition of and lack of attention to the cleanliness of the privy middens which continued to form the sanitary provision in many of the older houses.The continuing poor condition of some housing in the Almond valley cannot be ascribed to lack of activity by the sanitary officials of the County Councils. In 1898 the(336) RCH Evidence, Vol. 2, p. 1190.(337) Ibid.432Sanitary Inspector for west Lothian inspected 1,136 houses.In January 1899 he reported that 21 intimations of nuisance under the Public Health legislation had been made to proprietors of h o u s e s . B e t w e e n February 1906 and January 1908, 201 such notices were served in addition to a(34))large number of verbal representations to offending landlords ' In February 1911, the Sanitary Inspector advised the Committee that 37 notices had been served.Over the years, therefore, there was a continuing substantial effort by the sanitary officials to enforce the provisions of the relevant legislation. The fact that the level of activity remained high is itself an indication that all was not well. The reasons for the lack of progress were varied.The sanitary officials were, of course, faced with a considerable reluctance on the part of proprietors to spend money on cleanliness. In 1900, at a meeting of the District Committee, several councillors asked if anything could be done about certain offensive properties in Broxburn. The Sanitary Inspector confessed that no permanent solution was readily available and that *they (the proprietors) never thought of cleaning them unless told to do so.*^^^^) As discussed(338) Linlith^owsliire Gazette. 20.3.1899.(339) West Lothian Courier. 14.1.1899.(340) Ibid., 16.2.1906, 7-9.1906, 14.12.1906, 12.4.1907, W75‘.1907, 8.11.1907; Linlithgowshire Gazette. 17.1.1908(341) Linlithgo\fshire Gazette. 3.3*1911.(342) Ibid.. 14.12.1900:^433earlier, in 1896 the Medical Officer and the Sanitarjr Inspector produced for the Committee a lengthy and comprehensive report on the sanitary condition of houses in Broxburn.As a result the attention of landlords was drawn to deficiencies but *with the exception of the Broxburn Oil Company and three other proprietors (who had put up closet accommodation) almost nothing had been done by them in the way of improvement. * South Cobbinshaw Rows, a settlement constructed in connection with the oil works there, which had passed into the hands of the Rev. Mr. Young, were the subject of frequent reference in the minutes of the Calder District Committee. In 1907, the Medical Officer had drawn attention in his annual report to the insanitary condition of these h o u s e s . I n 1908, the proprietor's attention was drawn to deficiencies in the footpaths and conveniences^ but^ despite constant pressure, remedial action was not taken until 1910 and even then it required legal action in the Sheriff Court to persuade the landlord.^ ^In 1893 and in 1897 there were also instances of removal of nuisances requiring the assistance of the Sheriff, butnot all proprietors were so obstructive, and on occasion the sanitary officials were able to report the successful amelioration of unsatisfactory conditions. In 1907, the(343) SRO Medical Officer, West Lothian, 1896, p. 17* Î-ÎH62/12.(344) SRO Medical Officer, mdlothian, 1907, PP* 18-19*HH62/33*(343) SRO Calder District Committee, 18.11.1908 to 1.6.1910 passim. C02 61/3 & 4.(346) SRO Medical Officer, West Lothian, 1893, p* 19* HH62/10;1897 p. 3. HH62/14.434Medical Officer reported that houses at Mingscavil andBridgend were in an * unsatisfactory condition in that theprivy accommodation is defective and insufficient, theashpits are not properly constructed, the rhones andconductors of the houses are broken, the drainage is bad andthere are no wash-houses. * In 1908 he was able toreport that, *A11 the recommendations of the SanitaryInspector were carried out, and the rows are now in a verysatisfactory condition. * In 1903 the Medical Officerreported on the condition of the Middry Rows, associatedwith the Hopetoun Oil Works of Young's Company, in thefollowing terms:The first row visited consists of 39 houses, having between them 3 privies and 3 ashpits. The privies have only one seat each. In the next row are 13 houses (11 and 4 block houses), which have only 2 privy ashpits.Next comes a row of 23 houses (Nos. 49-73), with 13 privies and 7 ashpits.(1) Most of the 63 houses have either no rhones, or of those that have the rhones are So dilapidated that they are of little or no use in preventing the saturation of the basements of the dwellings, thus causing dampness of their walls.(2) The gutters, constructed of bricks, are in disrepair, and the drainage from one block runs into a field from the side of the public road to find its way anyihere.(347) Ibid., 1907, p. 6. HH62/34.(348) Ibid., 1908, p. 7- HH62/36.435(3) The privies and ashpits are in a disgraceful state. The ashpits are brick-walled to a height of about 1 foot, and uncovered. Consequently the contents form cesspools, half filled with water and stinking, and from some of them the liquid oozes out into the adjoining field causing other minor cesspools.(4) There being no wash-houses the inhabitants collect the soft roof water in barrels - in such barrels as are connected with rhones or pieces of rhones (the water supply being somevhat of a hard nature for washing purposes). This necessitates the washing of clothes inside the kitchen room of each house, causing a condition dangerous to the health of the inmates,(5) There are no coal houses, and the inmates of the dwellings store the coals in any comer most convenient - largely beneath their beds - adding to shortages in other respects a condition rendering it almost in^ossible to preserve cleanliness.To put these rows into anything like a habitable condition the following improvements are necessary:(1) Total abolition of the present privies and ashpits.(a) A pail closet erected for each house, properly constructed and with lock and key, with large pails to receive the excreta, ashes and refuse, %ihich pails should be emptied twice a week by removal through, a back door of the closet. This system is working satisfactorily at the mining village of456Newtongrange, Midlothian. Or, alternatively smaller pails for excreta and refuse and ashes removed every morning from each house by cart, Experience has proved to me the necessily for giving a separate locking closet to each family for the class of people living at Niddrie.(3) The erection of coal cellars and wash-houses.(4) The gutters repaired, and o*üaer drainage remedied to the satisfaction of the Sanitary Inspector,(5) Raking out and subsequently pointing with cement all brick work of external walls wherever required.(6) After completing the above improvements, coating all footpaths with ashes. (349)In the same report the Medical Officer was able to say that all recommendations had been carried out with the exception of the provision of wash-houses. These must have been built later since they are mentioned in a clearance resolution on 49 of the houses in 1934.The Medical Officer also initiated improvement in Young's Company housing at the Happy Land in West Calder, although he was not entirely satisfied with the results. In 1901 he complained of the conpany's proposals for the houses at the Happy Land. These involved the erection of pail closets in(349) Ibid., 1905, pp. 8-10. HH62/30.457the ratio of one for every two families. al#LOugh it was stated that if it were found necessary, one for each household would be provided. The Medical Officer condemned the proposals mainly because some of the closets would have been within ten feet of the houses even in the wider streets at the eastern end of ihe Happy Land. He claimed that a water carriage system was preferable and there was plenty of water and adequate drainage. He was also convinced that the company could afford the expense. 'If thousands of pounds can be laid aside as reserve after a big dividend is declared, and after providing for wear and tear and extensive retort and other improvements, it is surely but right that £1,500 to £1,800 should be devoted to the company's first duty, namely, the providing of sanitary dwellings for their workmen and families. ' In 1902, however, the MedicalOfficer had to report that the pail privy system had been adopted. ^In 1908 the Sanitary Inspector reported to the Linlilhgow District Committee that the Dalmeny Oil Company had agreed to provide new channel gutters, to remove the ashpits and provide a dustbin for each house which were to be emptied daily. Water barrels were to be removed and rain water conductors extended to reach the channel drain.Privies were to be overhauled and rhones and water conductors r e p a i r e d . T h e need for such a volume of work at the(550) SRO Medical Officer, Midlothian, 1901, p. 16. HH62/21.(551) Ibid., 1902, p. 4. HH62/25.(552) Linlithgowshire Gazette. 17*1,1908.458instance of the Sanitary officials indicates that the houses had been allowed to deteriorate to a considerable extent.Indeed, in respect of the oil companies in general, the record of intervention by the Sanitary authorities is such as almost to support the conclusion that, in the absence of such Local Authority interest, the Royal Commission in 1914 might have been faced, in the shale area, with a situation considerably worse than they in fact discovered.Sanitary officials experienced some difficulty with the Sheriff Courts. In 1896, the Bathgate District Sanitary Inspector complained of delays in procedures under the Public Health Act.^^^^) These continued after the passage of the new legislation in 1897 but were to a considerable extent remedied by the Housing and Town Planning Act of 1909.^^^^^ The Medical Officer also complained of what appeared to be indifference to sanitary science on the part of the courts.In 1891, he cited the case of Bridge House Rows near Bathgate where ;the people prefer to drink from the ditches to going a long distance for a somewhat purer supply. The water of these ditches at the times of my visits was fouled in the most disgusting way it could be - by human excreta. The drains were untrapped. The privies, of which there were only one for each 33 inhabitants, were filthy, broken-down, brick structures connected with open ashpits. . . The case came before the Sheriff-Substitute, who had several courses open to him, and chose that one which allows him to appoint a third party to report, and on(353) West Lothian Courier. 11.1.1896.(354) SRO Medical Officer, Midlothian, 1910, p. 8. HH62/39.459whose report he shall deoem. In this case thethird party, it might be thought, would be anexpert in Sanitary work. But no, he was anarchitect in the to\m of Linlithgow . . . theSheriff gave judgement on the report of theArchitect - the opinion of the Sanitary Officials ... (555)being thus set aside.In the same report, the Medical Officer described a similar case involving the Kinneil Colliery Rows in Bo'ness. Matters did not improve over the years. In 1912, the Medical Officer complained that a closing order in respect of Blinkbonny Rows, near West Calder, had been overturned by the Sheriff on purely technical grounds.Sanitary Officials experienced difficulties in that they did not invariably enjoy the full support of the committees to* which they were responsible. These committees were dram from the same social class as the majority of the landlords with whom they had to deal and might have been expected to share their interests. Committees were not anxious to see local taxation at too high a level and were often reluctant to act against the immediate interests of large ratepayers. In the Almond valley these were, of course, the oil companies who were often well represented on the various bodies responsible for sanitary matters. Norman Henderson, the General Itoiager of the Broxburn Oil Conpany, held a seat on the West Lothian County Council for many years. Likewise, James Bryson of the Pumpherston Company held a seat on the Mid Lothian Council.(555) Ibid., West Lothian, 1891, p. 3* HH62/2.(356) Ibid., Midlothian, 1912, p. 30. HH62/43.(357) Henderson's name appears regularly in the minutes of the Bathgate District Committee. Bryson is similarly mentioned in those of the Calder District Committee.460Committee minutes and Medical Officers' Annual Reports provide many instances of apparent reluctance on the part of committees to adopt recommendations by their officials. Jhl898, the daily removal of refuse was suggested for Kingscavil and Bridgend, but the Linlithgow District Committee allowed the oil conpany to carry this out every second day.^^^^^ In 1894 the same Committee had under consideration the water supply for these two villages. Kingscavil received 8,000 gallons per day and Bridgend 1,000 gallons. There was storage for only one day's supply. Pipes laid by the company increased the supply for Kingscavil to 10,000 gallons per day and for Bridgend to 4,000. The Medical Officer considered that a further increase was necessary and that a more substantial storage capacity should be provided. However, after hearing an explanation from the manager of the Linlithgow Oil Company the Committee resolved that the water supply was sufficient. ^There is also some evidence that a conflict of interest could arise in the case of individual members of public bodies. In 1908 the Sanitary Inspector reported to the Calder District Committee that '30 houses at Hermand Rows, the property of the late Mr. J.G. Fairley^are without conveniences and that in many the coal cellars which are situated within the dwellings are used as conveniences thus causing a nuisance.' After further investigation, the committee decided to take no action meantime on the understanding that, 'I't:*. Rae, who is one of the trustees, undertook that, where it(338) SRO Medical Officer, West Lothian, 1898, p. 4. 1899,p. 3. HH62/16 & 18.(359) Ibid., 1894, p. 5; 1895, p. 4. HH62/8 & 10.461does not at present exist, ventilation will be introduced into the dark coal cellars which are used as closets and that the ashpits will be emptied more frequently than at present* ^Mr. Rae was a member of the Calder District Committee. In 1903, the Procurator Fiscal was compelled to abandon a case against a local property company because the Dean of Guild was a shareholder. ^The reluctance of committees to sanction expenditure is perhaps best illustrated by consideration of efforts to establish Special Scavenging Districts in the shale area. Sanitary officials considered that it was of the utmost importance, in the fight for improved sanitation, that there should be established a regular and effective system for the removal of refuse. In 1891 the Medical Officer reported to the Board of Supervision that *A deputation of our Medical Health Society v^ aited upon the Lord Advocate recently, with the object of explaining the difficulties of District Committees in connection with this , and asked him to explain to the Secretary for Scotland . . . the urgency of giving Local Authorities powers to form Scavenging Districts, as they have power to form Drainage and Water Districts.Unfortunately, this power was allowed to remain with the Parish Councils, bodies which, in the shale area, proved almost completely impervious to argument in this matter. Inreports on Mdlothian County in 1894 and 1895, the Medical Officer again pointed to the desirability of Scavenging(360) SRO Calder District Committee, 26.2.1908 and 1.4.1908, C02 61/3,(361) West Lothian Courier. 23.10.1903, 'Around the County*.(362) SRO Medical Officer, West Lothian, 1891, P* 5. HH62/2.462Districts. In 1897 he had to report that, 'It is to be regretted that under the new Public Health Act the District Committee cannot, as in dealing with Drainage Districts, dispense with the re.q;uisition (from the Parish Council or ten ratepayers) altogether.* ^ ^The sanitary officials were particularly concerned with the village of Broxburn which had by the end of the century grom to the size of a small town. The need for a Scavenging District in Broxburn was reported to the Bathgate District Committee by the Medical Officer in 1 8 9 6 . In 1902, the Sanitary Inspector reported that there were no Scavenging Districts in the Bathgate District of the West Lothian County Council, but that the Local Authority employed scavengers in Broxburn, Blackburn, Crofthead, Fauldhouse and üphall. He also reported that there was 'no change in the means of disposal (of refuse). It is mostly taken away by farmers for manuring purposes. As there are only stated times at which farmers v/ill remove it, a watch is kept and notices served on proprietors when the ashpits etc* require to be emptied.This is always sufficient to cause an early removal. At some of the Oil Company's and Coal Company's Rows the refuse is taken away either daily or weekly, but these are exceptional c a s e s . A Scavenging District for Broxburn was again proposed by the Sanitary Inspector in 1906 and in 1908, but again the Committee decided to taîce no action.(363) Ibid., 1897, PP* 11-12. HH62/14.(364) West Lothian Courier# 11.1.1896.(355) Ibid.. 21.3.1902.(366) Bathgate District Committee, 10.4*1906 and 14.1.1908.463A Scavenging District was set up in 1905 in the village of Winchburgh, in the Linlithgow District of West Lothian County Council. Refuse was removed thrice weekly. In 1906 a similar proposal for the nearby village of Kirkliston was discussed* The Medical Officer reported, 'As the nei^ibouring village of Winchburgh has been kept in very good order since it m s formed into a Special Scavenging District, I have no doubt that, if it were feasible, the formation of a Special Scavenging District for Kirkliston would be followed by the same improvement.* The District Committee rejected thé suggestion on the grounds that the cost was 'prohibitive '.The Kirkliston District was eventually set up and provides an insight into the differing attitudes towards Local Authority intervention on the part of the oil companies. The - boundaries of the Kirkliston Scavenging District were drawn so as to exclude houses at Niddry and Westerton, the property of Young's Paraffin Light and Mineral Oil Company. The Winchburgh District also excluded these houses but included the dwellings associated with the Niddry Castle works of the Oakbank Oil Coinpany.^^^)In 1914 Robert Small, the Shale Miners* agent, gave evidence before the Royal Commission on Housing in which he was particularly critical of the methods of refuse removal in Broxburn and of the role of the oil companies in Local Authority affairs. He claimed that \diere an oil company(367)SRO Medical Officer, West Lothian, 1906, p. 16. HH62/32.(368)SRO, Valuation Rolls, County of West Lothian, 1912-13.VR 122/27.464owned the bulk of a district they were 'the principal ratepayers, and their influence' was 'always used in the direction of economising the rates.The progress of sanitary reform was also hampered by a lack of properly qualified officials. This was principally the result of a shortage of trained personnel, but local patronage also had its effects. For some years after 1891 the Medical Officer complained of the enployment as Sanitary Inspectors In the Calder District of 'men having local interests or other business. ' (^ 70) ^ I893 he again drewattention to the employment of local men in the Calder District, commenting that it was in the public interest that 'sanitary officials should be wholly independent of local influences '. ^ A similar comment appeared in his reportfor 1 8 9 4 , This situation had obviously been remedied to some extent, by the time the Medical Officer gave evidence before the Royal Commission in 1914. At that time Midlothian had a County Sanitary Inspector with five assistants, three of whom were certificated. West Lothian enjoyed the services of a County Inspector who also acted as the Sanitary Inspector for the Bathgate District, where there was also a certificated assistant. In the Linlithgow District of the County there was one certificated Sanitary I n s p e c t o r . (^^ 3)(369) RCH,Evidence. Vol. 2, p. 1194, questions 27431-33.(370) SRO,Medical Officer, Midlothian, 1892, p. 2. HH62/3.(371) Ibid., 1893, pp. 1-2. HH62/5.(372) Ibid., 1894, p. 2. HH62/7.(373) RCH, Evidence. Vol. 1, p. 253.465There is some evidence that sanitary officials and committees on occasion felt themselves constrained to act in ways not entirely consistent with the best sanitary practice. . There were two main reasons* The first vms that the ovmer- ship of working-class housing was often an investment made to provide for dependents in the event of the death of a breadwinner, or for old age. Where a landlord was such an individual, completely dependent on the income from a group of houses, sanitaiy officials sometimes felt it necessary to be lenient in their application of the regulations. An extractfrom evidence to the Royal Commission illustrates this.Mr. David Gilmour, îh*. J,F# Duncan and lir. G.F# Barbour questioned Mr. Frew, the West Lothian Sanitary Inspector^ regarding back-to-back houses, and he had explained that they should be made the subject of closing orders as the opportunity arose:Question 2868. (by Mr. Gilmour) Supposing they go on for thirty or forty years? - I had a case in Fauldhouse where we had fourteen of these back-to- back houses. The proprietor of these houses was an old schoolmaster 73 years of age* A lawyer came and saw him and he gave a bond of £800 on these houses and was depending on the income from them. In a case of that kind public officials have got to discriminate, and we allowed the houses to remain for t\m or three years, but the moment that man dies we will close them up.Despite considerable pressure from Messrs. Gilmour,Duncan and Barbour, the Sanitary Inspector could not be brought to concede that such a policy was not in the best interests of466the conmiuiizty at large « ïfe stated, that the case sxted was not an exceptional instance and claimed that the Local Authority fully supported him.^ *^^ ^^ Such an attitude on the _ part of the Committee and officials responsible for sanitary matters in the Broxburn area, vdiere a large part of the available housing was in private ownership, could not have been without its effect on standards.There was also the problem of a severe shortage ofhousing in the shale area and in the county as a whole. Thereis a fair body of evidence tliat such a shortage existed duringthe period under consideration (1891 to 1914). In 1896 itwas reported that the Pumpherston Oil Company always had »abig list of names of applicants for Company's houses, as theCompany's houses are always full, and there does not seem tobe any intention on the Company's part of erecting moreh o u s e s , I n respect of non-company ovmed houses atPuspherston it was said that, 'whenever a new block isproposed, there are a dozen people eager to take the housebefore it is built. In some cases the owners of newproperties have been offered as much as £2 more than fixedrent, ' In 1900, a shortage of workmen's houses in( 577 )Linlithgow vras the suhjeot of local press comment.Chapter 9 and Tables 15-22 in the appendix demonstrate theconsiderable amount of over-crowding which existed in the area. This was the subject of contemporary comment. In(574) Ibid.. Vol. 1, pp. 165-65.(575) Mast Lothian Courier. 50.5.1896.(576) Ibid.(577) Linlithgowshire Gazette. 24.5-1900467M s evidence to the Royal Commission, the Medical Officer of the two counties of Mid and West Lothian, pointed out that in West LotMan, 'the proportion of persons living more than three or four in a room is the highest in Scotland. In a lesser way the same state of affairs exists in some parts of MidlotMan. 'In M s evidence to the Royal Commission, John Frew, the Sanitary Inspector for West LotMan, claimed that tMs shortage made it impossible in all but the most extreme cases to proceed to the length of a closing order on unsatisfactory properties. 'In most of the districts there is not an empty house to be got. In some cases where the houses were closed those ejected had to be taken in by some of their friends, so that in remedying evil in one respect you only increase it in - another. The feeling among my council and instructions from them is for me to get improvements carried out if possible without resorting to closing of houses until more houses are erected,Such reluctance to close houses was strengthened by normative judgements made by officials and councillors of the tenants of such houses. It is not uncommon, in contemporary discussion of housing problems ^to find expressions of opinion as to the need for low cost, poor quality housing for people of a 'certain class'. In 1911, Dr. Robb and I4r. Frew reported to the Bathgate District Committee that 72 houses at Durhamtown, near Bathgate, had 'served their day, and we could(378) RCH, Evidence. Vol. 1, p. 254, para 18.(379) Ibid.. Vol. 1, p. 163, para 2.468not recommend any repair tîiat would make them inhabitable .The Chairman, however, suggested that the houses might be put in order because there was always a demand 'for houses of a certain class '. ^ The houses were not immediatelydemolished and in fact figured in subsequent Local Authority activity in 1930 as being among the worst housing in the • District,In his evidence to the Royal Commission, I4r. Frew expressed the opinion that 'no doubt there are a number of houses of an inferior class. These houses are almost always in demand because of their cheapness. In some cases where you have cleanly persons occupying them they are quite comfortable and habitable. Inhere the occupier is the opposite, the conditions are most unfavourable. ' He was also convinced that one-apartment houses were necessary for certain _ families, citing a case in which 'a two-roomed house was let to man and wife and two children, and it was discovered that they had put a ton of wet coal in the room and had broken a hole into the room and were using it as an ashpit. Some people don't know how to use houses, ' Mr. Frew alsomaintained that 'if miners and others really wanted a better class of house and were willing to pay for it they would soon get them* ' He could not be brought to see theinconsistency between this view and his previous statement on(380) Linlithffov/shire Gazette* 14.7*1911.(381) Ibid.(382) West Lothian County Council, Public Health Committee, Housing Sub-Committee, 4.7*1930.(383) RCH, Evidence. Vol. 1, p. 165, question 2842.(384) Ibid.. p. 163*469the shortage of worklng-olass housing and its effect on the closure of unsatisfactory houses. men questioned by Messrs. lUncan and Gilmour, he adduced as evidence in support of his view the case of new houses built at Blackridge for rent at £10 per year. He maintained that miners preferred to live in poor quality houses at Southrigg at a cost of £4 per year, although the new houses were just as convenient to their place of work. Under questioning he was compelled to admit that the new houses were rarely empty for more than 'two or three days at a time*. He persisted however, in the somewhat elliptical opinion that 'Certain tenants do not want better houses, but where better houses are provided, the tenants can be got for them.Dr. Robb expressed the view that, althou^ poor quality ' housing might well be occupied because of its chaapness, this m s not necessarily so because of an unwillingness to pay higher rents. He pointed out that many labourers could not afford the rent of good quality housing. He was asked:'You put do\m the minimum requirement of a sanitary house, and here is a man with a wife and five children, whose economic wage cannot buy that sanitary house. Do you allow him to live in an insanitary house, or do you say that he ought to live in a sanitary house?' Dr. Robb replied; 'He ought to live in a sanitary house, but he ought to have a wage to pay for tliat sanitary house.Table 23 shows that in Uphall parish almost half of the(385) Ibid.. p. 167, question 2913.(386) Ibid.. Vol. 1, p. 259, question 4984.470shale miners and oil workers lived in houses owned hy landlords other than the oil companies. The average rental for such housing was, according to the Valuation Rolls, rather more than 50 per cent higher than that of company houses. This seems to indicate that miners and other workers were prepared to pay for better housing. That they desired more than 'single end* accommodation is clear from the situation in West Calder in the period before the Great War. Here the Valuation Rolls for 1911-1912 show that 66 tenants each occupied more than one house, mostly renting two single apartment houses.In 1913, the Calder District Committee considered a letter from the Shale Miners* Association alleging 'serious inadequacy of the present housing accommodation at West C a l d e r . T h i s was considered by a sub-committee and representatives of the West Calder parish council, which concluded that there was no real shortage of housing in West Calder. In the course of its deliberations the sub-committee was informed by 'local gentlemen' that some demand remained for 'houses of two rooms and a scullery, but on interrogating them closely the sub-committee came to the conclusion that such demand as exists is to a certain extent by people who desire larger houses than they at present occupy.Undoubtedly there was a desire on the part of some working people to occupy good quality housing and it is also evident that some were able and willing to pay higher than(587) 8R0, Calder District Committee, 19*11*1913* C02 61/4.(588) Ibid., 25.2.1914.V;472CHAPTER 11 WAGES AND COST OP LIVINGAny consideration of industrial wage levels in the last quarter of the nineteenth century must be centred round the Wages Census carried out in 1886 by the Board of Trade. From 1889 to 1893, a series of detailed reports was produced on wages in the textile industries, mining, iron manufacture, engineering and in public services, such as the police force, gas and water undertakings, railways and roads authorities.Schedule forms were issued to individual employers of labour, asking for descriptions of the different jobs, and for average rates of wages paid to workers in each category as at 1st October, 1886. Deformation on hours worked and the total amount paid in wages by each employer in the year 1885 was also required. Time and piece workers were to be treated separately.Table 11.1 gives for a selection of industries covered, the numbers of schedules issued, the numbers returned and, where available, the numbers of workers in respect of whom information was provided.(390) The Census of Wages Reports were published over aperiod of some years. The Reports consulted include those relating to the Textile Trades, PP 1889,Vol. LXXj Mines and Quarries, PP 1890-91,Vol. LXXVIII; Roads and Sewers and Gasworks, PP 1892, Vol. LXVII; Pig Iron, Blast Furnaces and Engineering, PP 1893-94, Vol. LXXXIII; and the Final Report,PP 1893-94, Vol. LXXXIII.normal rents for the privilege. At this distance it is not possible to make much useful comment on the attitude of lower paid workers who would have experienced difficulty in meeting the rent of larger and better houses. It is, however, possible to assess the scale of this problem in the shale industry. This involves the use of the information on the conposition of households in the manuscript census books for 1891; the Census of Wages carried out in 1885 and the estimates of working class budgets made by Roimtree in 1901 and Bowley and Bumett-Hurst in 1913, and ië considered in detail in diapter 11.It is, however, clear that, in the period up to the Great War, some of the shale workers enjoyed considerable improvement in housing conditions. Many substantial, well designed dwellings were built by the oil conpanies, by other landlords, and by the shale workers themselves. There remained^hovæver, a substantial amount of housing substandard in accommodation and in sanitary terms. The reasons for this in an era of considerable interest and activity in sanitary affairs are complex, but it is not unreasonable to conclude that \diile such substandard dwellings continued to exist and to be occupied by people with little choice in the matter, agencies and individuals involved with housing were all too often either unwilling or unable to take effective steps to eradicate slum conditions.(589) A.L. Bowley and A.R, Bumett-Hurst. Livelihood and ■ (1915), p. 85. “473Table 11.1s Census of Wages, 1886; Schedules Issued and Returned.Industry Schedules Issued Returned %TotalEmployees*Employees as per Schedules%Cotton 2,080 542 26 504,000 143,000 28Woollen 1,807 291 16 139,000 37,000 26Worsted 452 121 27 138,000 30,500 26Linen 803 149 18 112,000 40,000 36Coal, Iron Mines 1,910 323 17 557,197 87,494 16MetalliferousMines 778 96 12Shale Mines & Oil Works 17 6 35 3,895 1,670* 43Slate Mines & Quarries 178 56 31f As given in the Factory Returns .These refer to men employed in the shale mines only.Source: Census of Wages, Textile Trades, PP 1889,Vol. LXXX, p. 849; Mines and Quarries, PP 1890-91, Vol. LXXVIII, pp. 374-5.It is clear that in no case were all the schedules returned, but it can be said #at those submitted provided information on wages paid to many thousands of workers in the industries concerned. The results were regarded at the time as 'a sufficient basis for a true average. # )Table 11.1 indicates that there was a sufficiently large(391) Census of Wages, Report on Mines and Quarries, PP 1890-91, Vol. LXXVIII, p. 575.474proportion of workers in each industry to warrant the conclusion that a fair approximation of wage levels was obtained.The detailed information on the shale oil industry is reproduced at pages 476-8, Of 17 schedules issued, six were returned giving information in respect of 1,670 mine- workers (43 per cent of idie mines work force as given in the Mineral Statistics for 1886). 1,421 oil andmiscellaneous workers were also covered, and since the total of men in these categories was normally only slightly smaller than that of mineworkers, it can be assumed that a roughly similar proportion of the men employed in the oil works was included in idie returns* The fact that the six firms making returns constituted 35 per cent of those in the industry and employed 43 per cent of miners indicates that returned schedules were not confined to smaller concerns. Diere were, in fact, only twelve firms active in 1886 and returns therefore covered half "Wie industry.It is unlikely that the largest company, Young ' s at Mdiewell^was among these. This firm was listed in the Inspector of Mines' Report as employing 143 men above ground at its mines, a number considerably in excess of the total shown in the six returns submitted. On the other hand the six smallest concerns were shorn as en^loying only 80 men above ground. Clearly the six returns included a fair sample of the firms in idie industry in 1886.475For adult males, the wage rates ranged from 17/4 (£0.86) per week for general labourers, to 41/5 (£2.07) for oil works foremen. Over the industry as a whole the weighted average was 25/- (£1.25) per week. In the oil works the average was 22/8 (£1.13). At the mines the average for surface workers was 21/1 (£1.055) per week and for underground men, 27/5 (£1.37). Apart from the aarious foremen, the highest paid men in the oil works were skilled tradesmen whose rates ranged from the 26/11 (£1.346) of the smiths to the 31/2 (£1.56) of the coopers. Ihe operating staff were paid at lower rates ranging from 22/*- (£1,10) for paraffin pressmen to the 26/8 (£1.33) for tipmen. It should be noted that the rates for refinery workmen such as stillmen, refiners and pressmen were apparently lower than those of crude oil workers . However the wages of thelatter were based on a 13 shift fortnight while those of the refinery workers related to a six day week. In fact many refinery workers worked seven shifts per week and their wages were correspondingly higher than the rates shown.A Stillman or engineman working seven days per week would have had a wage roughly comparable to that of a skilled tradesman, although he would have been required to work very long hours.(392) Ibid., p. 663.(393) Report on the Hours of labour in Mines, PP 1890, Vol. hXVIII, p. 631.476liAÏES O F W A G E S .SHALE MINES AND PARAFFIN OIL WORKS.Average Rates of Wages of Workpeople employed in and about Shale Mines and Paraffin Oil Works, at 1st October 1886.DISTEICT.— ScoTLAîîB (W e s t an d M id L o th ia n s ) .Total Number of Persons employed at let October 1886, as per Returns :— Hines :Underground Workers - 1,570Surface Workers - - . 100CHI Workers - - 691Miscellaneous Workers - 730Total 3,091Total Amount paid in Wages in 1885, as per Retnms, £212,618.OCCUPATIONSiNumber employed as per BetinsaPercentagethatt&eNo.returnedundereachOccupe.of Total No. of Persons returned.ikweraffeweekly Rate of Wages.Numberreturnedat rateswithin10 percent.ab=T3belowtheaverage.Averagenoxtm saweeklyVeges.Number on which averageaixiiïiû.-u Rate i* based.AverageminÛBicmweeklyWages.Number 1 oa which I average 11 Raters |1 - . . • Time 74 *'4 24 1 69 27' 0 » 9 —Aeddsmen . . . • Time 29 '9 24 11 2» 27 0 — 22 6 —Boitomers « . Time 23 •7 34 5 23 — — — —Chain Runners « « » Rme 23 •4 25 3 20 27 0 — 22 8 —Enginenwn « Time 24 "8 S3 7 24 — — - —( a ) UndirvTVitnd Workers at S f i n ^ a i l ihe Miners and Drawers worked about 43 to 4 0 i hours per week, reckoned ftam rank to hank. Bone worked W hours in 188<), but since then their liours of labour have been reduced to 48. Mott of too other men worked n o n M to 00 .«ours bank to bank, with the cxcepiion of sotno of the Bnnnetnen who were said to be on duty for 72 hours per week.*** :-rTh«« men pcnerally worked from 64 to 67 honrs per week, exclusive of mealtimes,f—As explained in note ir), pace RJL the Shale Brcakermen, Chanrcrjt, Ketortineii. Drrtvrers, Runners, Tinmen and Sulphate of Ammonia men. worked cm the average 0) Khift.s week, and for this nunW>er of shiftb the hours of jalxuir, exciusiTe of mealtimes, were as follows nearly r*o ;mt i cni. of the VtUl numlMjr r»f the c1’;.hhc» enumcmted al>ov«* worked y t hours, 85 per cent, worked 65 hours, and the reinaind*-r more than 65 hount. 0 / liio Stilîtren, Uclin* rs and Prmi»n,ou, €5 p4 ^c^nt. worked 00 hours, and the rest 67 hours in a week of six shifts. The F»jreiaeii were in attendance on Sundav, as^ of Dicso men worked 57 Lours in & week of six days, but most of the Enjcineinciiand Stokers worked about 60 hours, excliiaiv»* of mealtimes.. (6) These men were said to be employed by the Miiurx, and, altiiuugh paid by the day, had to fill and draw a certain ouuibor of nntcfaes in the time.47711!OCCUPATIONS.Number employod, as par Betuma.Per. cents*» chat the No. returned under each Occupa, tkm is cfTbtsl No. of Persons returned.A w eraiceweekly Bate of Wages.Number returned at rates within 10 per cent, above sod below theaverage.Average FSAnswas weekly Bate of Wages.Number on which average maxiBam Batsia band.Average miaiaud. weekly Bote of Wages.Numb«r ! on which average minimum Bate is based.. jM E N — e o n t m u e d .M in^:Underground Workers - N a 1 ,5 5 5 Sur&ce Workers . „ 9 9 O U Workers „ 687 Miscellaneous Workers - „ 680HoursofLabour.( « )Total - 3,021Jtfïae» con tinned.SarfKO Worker» X— a d. a. d. «. d.Pithesdmen - Time 18 "6 2511 18 27 6 .» 29 0Pithead Bonnen - • Thns 31 »'6 19 3 SI a 0 ' — 18 0 -Pttrajjtn Oil Work».Psrsaen:—(i)Of and above 4QK • Time 5 ’» 41 5 9Under 40*. . . . - Time IS 'S 3S 3 U 38 0 — SO 0 _Shale Braakermen (r}' . Time 3# 24 0 36 - _ -Chargera (r) • . Time 78 *•* 24 5 74 27 0 _ 22 9Betortmea (c) - Time 36 34 9 sa 27 8 ww# 31 SDrawers (e) . . . - Time 94 5-0 24 6 94 ... —Banners (c) . . . . Trmc ss - 23 S 84 .» - - . —TipmsD (<•) . . . - Time •- e — — -I Solphate of Ammonia Men ic) - Time 34 /•* 24 3 34 _StiEmei (d) . . • Time 29 9 23 3 6 — —Beflnen (d) . . . - Time 69 ! 23 0 69 — «...Pressmen (d) • • Time 112 5-6 33 0 11% — — - -JKrceZZonwn*. 1Engine Tentes, Stationary (d) - Time 28 ! r s 23 5 39 24 0 SO 0Stokers and Kremaa (d) - Time 29 1 31 3 S3 2% 0 90 9 —Oxipets . . . - llm o 34 I 31 3 34 _ ...Pilioa .- . . . - Time 39! 30 1 »... _ _Smiths . . . • Time 30 2811 3 29 9 _ 24 0, Strikers - Time 22 ! y 18 3 2% 19 ft IS sBoOer Makers > Time M 3710 8 _ — _Fitters . . . . - Time ! •'» 28 0 71 _ ..., Labonrers • • Time 3» t’f 18 1 38 1 -Joiners - Time 30 I 28 1 39 i -Carter* . . . - Time 11 ! 1811 11 1Storekeepers and ISmekeepers . Time 1 9 I ■* 24 1 3 28 4 29 4General Labourers • - Time I 2S9 i «'A 17 4 359Watchmen ♦ Time I « i •• 19 4 8 _ünclasaed :— iOf and above SO*. - Time ! 4 •f 37 0 2 49 0 _ 39 0Of 25*. and under 80*. ■ Time | IS I 1 28 4 14 _ _Of 2(V. and under 25*. . * Time i 26 j 1 21 8 21 __Of 15*. and under 20*. • - Time i 14 1 17 5 ' 8 T'' — ! —unte I'/f), pare 52.; ; i ; : i te I'l .V tti; : v . m e n '.v.,r'r: fj!)W(:v«-r. wjs;r. s*itiiij «.n.'M • ■ •• la if ly ifA ?;j!Oi'.!:i ■'•(•••I 11 -h;;V i l l i t ' J ‘ n : i l i t : i “478OCCUPATIONS.Number employed, am per Betoma.Percentage that thereturned under each Occupation IS of Total No. of Persona returned.Aw erm ceweekly Bate of Wage»Number returned at rates within 10 per cent. aboT* and below the aversg*.Average ■a&rtaNtsi weekly Bate of Wage*.Number on which average maximum Bat* im based.AverageWMwmamweeklyBateid'W’agemuNumber on which averagetninimmuBateimbased.LADS AND BOYS.Mines: VUnderground Workers Surface Workers; • - • - Oil Workers - - Miscellaneous Workers -Xo. 15 Hours » 1 of . „ 4 Labour. „ 50 . (a) 1I Total - - 7C i!!'1JfiMi, o a W ort», «few Uhelammedr—m d. a. d. «. d.At Ue. • • • • Tun* s 15 0 5 - . - —Oflù*.andnndarl5&. Ths* and Flee*: ■? -a *7 13 3 IS — , ■ — ■. -UadmplOfe .. . . - Tim* 4S '^9 8 6 36 9 « — 8 0Boy* rtsually worked about the same Tomber of hour# am the Men ( r « not* (a), page 52) employed at «TT^ iUrS»arce: Censu* of Watgeo,Report oa Mines and Quarries,PP 1890-91* pp.662-4»479In the mines there was a marked difference in wage levels between surface and underground workers. Pithead runners received from 18/- (£0.90) to 21/- (£1.05) per week, while underground on-cost workers such as bottomers, roadsmen and chain-runners received from 22/5 (£1.12) to 27/- (£1.55) per week* I«îiners* drawers were paid from 21/6 (£1.075) to 26/9 (£1.54). The best paid men in the mines were firemen at 27/4 (£1.57) per week and hewers who, on piece rates^ averaged from 27/- (£1.35) to 52/- (£1.60) per week, rates comparable with those of skilled tradesmen in the oil works.She final report of the Census of Wages, issued in 1893, provides the basis for a comparison of wages in the shale industry with those of a wide variety of trades and industrleS(^ ,## i#!$bd\###W*/_;:^ of 121trades and industries, shale miners and oil workers, in terms of average wages, ranked 12th equal with chemical manure workers, clock and watch manufacturers and dock workers # Among employments yielding higher wages were the manufacture of pianofortes, astronomical, optical, mathematical, meteorological instruments, organ building, iron and steel shipbuilding, gas works and type founding. Ihe oil industry, therefore, ranked with a range of relatively skilled occupations and would also appear to have been an exceptional case in the low-wage economy of(394) PP 1893-94, V o l. L X X X III.480Scotland identified by Professor Campbell in his Rise and Fall of Scottish Industry. T h e case of such exceptional status for the oil industry is considerably qualified by closer inspection of the Census reports. It becomes clear that in certain industries with low average wage levels, large numbers of women, boys and girls were employed.Tables of average wages paid to men, women, boys and girls were produced in the final report* Unfortunately theinformation was not given for all of the 121 trades and industries listed in *üie Table of overall averages. 34 trades and industries appear in both Tables and these are listed in Table 11.2. The wage rates for all workers are based on the total given by employers as having been paid in v;ages in 1885, divided by the numbers of workers employed on 1.10.1886. The weekly rate for adult males is a weighted, average calculated from the average wages paid and the numbers enployed at 1.10.1886.It is clear that in several industries, notably tinplate manufacture and some textile trades, the employment of large numbers of women, girls and boys produced a very low average wage for the industries and disguised a high average wage for adult males. At £54 per annum, the average wage in the tinplate industry placed it 13th of the 34 trades covered by Table 11.2. %en adult males are considered separately, the average wage of 33 shillings and 5 pence (£1.67) per week ranks first in the table. ffiiis is entirely due to the en^loyment of 47*8 per cent of women, girls and boys.(395) R*Hé Campbell, The Rise and Fall of Scottish Industry*1707-1939 (Edinburgh, 15^ 80J,(396) H> 1893-94, Vol. laXXIII (Part II), pp. 470-475.481Table 11.2: Average Wages in 34 Trades and Industries in1885/86 of (a) All Workers and (b) Adult î'üales Only.Trade/IndustryA V E R A G E All WorkersW A G E Adult Males£Shipbuilding (Ironand Steely 76Gas Works ^ 73Pig Iron (BlastFurnaces) 73Railway Carriage &Wagon Building 73Chemical îtoures 69Shale Mines & Oil Works 69Waterworks 67Brewing 39General Engineering 59Cooperage Works 38Distilleries 37Wood Shipbuilding 56Brass Works etc, 54Tin Plate 54Slate Mines & Quarries 53 Coal etc. Mines 52Saw Mills 52Coach etc. Building 51Roads etc. 51Granite Quarries 49Stone Quarries 47Brick & Tile Making 46China Clay 40Cotton 36Carpet Manufacture 35Woollen 35Flock and Shoddy 34Hosiery 34Hemp etc. 32Worsted & Stuff 28Silk 27Smallwares 27Jute 26Linen 25Rank Per 8.Weekd. £Rank1 29 3 1.46 42 27 2 1,36 62 24 6 1.22 142 25 2 1.26 115 23 0 1.15 225 25 0 1.25 127 24 9 1.24 138 24 3 1.21 168 25 9 1.29 910 30 5 1.52 211 20 4 1.02 3012 28 4 1.42 513 29 7 1,48 313 33 5 1,67 115 22 1 1.10 2616 22 11 1.15 2316 24 3 1.21 1618 28 6 1.32 818 20 9 1.04 2920 21 11 1.09 2721 23 10 1.19 18212 22 10 1.14 2423 18 8 0.93 3424 25 3 1.26 1025 26 7 1.33 725 23 2 1.16 2127 21 2 1.06 2827 24 5 1,22 1529 23 6 1.17 1930 23 4 1.17 2031 22 3 1.13 2531 20 2 1.01 3133 19 4 0.97 3334 19 9 0.99 32Source: Census of Wages, Final Report, PP 1893-94,Vol. LXXXIII (Part 2) pp. 470-81.482Conversely shale mines and oil works, with no female employees and a very small proportion of boys, stood fifth equal in Table 11,2 as regards the overall average. Vflaen compared iTith adult males only, its average wage of 23 shillings (£1,25) ranked only twelfth,VIhen miners and oil workers are considered separately, the shale miners* average wage of 26 shillings and 11 pence (£1.34) placed them seventh among adult males, while the shale oil worked, at 22 shillings and 8 pence (£1,13) were 25th, It is apparent therefore that the question of wage levels in the shale oil industry falls to be considered in two parts - the miners and the oil workers. The latter were very much a part of the low wage economy noted by Professor Canpbell^^^%While the shale miners were apparently counted among the elite of high earning industrial workers. At 26 shillings and 11 pence (£1.34) their remuneration was some 17 per cent above that of oidier miners (22/11 per week). It has been pointed out by Allan B, Canpbell that there are considerable difficulties in the accurate assessment of wage levels in the Nineteenth century mining industries. The shale miners* wages will be considered in some detail later when dealing with trade unions in the industry . At this point it is sufficient to say that 1885 and 1886 were years of considerable prosperity in the shale oil industry, and this(397) Campbell, op. cit.. pp. 80-84,(398) Alan B. Canpbell, The Lanarkshire Miners (Edinburgh, 1979), Chapters 1 ahÜ k and j&ppen&lx W .485îabl-» 11,3 : '.ïsge Rates in the Shale Oil Industry and Other Scottish Industries,:SBc.(a) Cotton,Pig iron,EngineeringDescriptionShale Oil Cotton 'Pig IronGlasgowEngineeringLanarkshire Edinburgh Sc .East Scotlands d(X) * d(£) s d(£) s d(£) s d(£) d(£)Engine Keepers 23 5(1.1 7) 25 8(1.28) 23 5(1.17) 25 6(1.27) 21 3(1.06) 20 7(1.02)Labourers 17 4 (0.8 6) 17 0(0.8 5) 13 4(0.66) 17 0(0.6 5) 17 4 (0 .8 6) 18 2(0.90)Stokers 21 2(1.05) 20 1(1.00) 18 9(0.9 3)Mechanics etc. 26 0(1.30) 28 11(1.44) 23 1(1.15)Joiners 28 1(1.40) 27 0(1.35) 29 10(1.49) 26 6(1.32)Smiths ■ . _ ■ 26 11(1.34) 22 8(1.13) 28 9(1.43) 26 6(1.32) 26 5(1.32)Strikers 18 2(0.9 0) 15 2(0.7 5) 18 6(0.92) 17 8(0.6 6) 18 5 (0.9 2)Boilermakers 27 10(1.39) 23 6(1.17)(b) Gas WorksShale Oil Works' Gas. Towns with more than 4 0 ,0 0 0 peopleTowns with less than 4 0 ,0 0 0 peopleCarpenters/ J oiners".SmithsHammermeiv^StrikersLabourers21 2(1 .0 5) 35 0(1.7 5)30 7(1 .5 3) 27 7 (1.3 8) 24 9 (1 .2 3 ) 24 5(i.2 2)■28 -1X1740)— 30— 2tlT5r) 26 1 1(1.3 4) 29 1 0(1.4 9)18 2(0.9 0) 20 7(1 .0 3)17 4(0.66) 20 i(i.OO)3(1 .5 6)6(1.3 7)8(1.18)5(0.9 2)25 2(1.26)19 3(0.96)(c) Coal KiningShaleC O A Lkid Scotland.West Scotland East ScotlandOvermen 40 1(2.00) 25 3(1.41) 28 0(1.40)29 3(1.4 6)Firemen 27 4(1.36) 22 3(1.11) 22 8(1.13)21 7 (1.0 6)Miners 28 11(1.44) 22 8(1.13) 21 3(1.06)21 8(1.0 8)Drawers 25 3 (1.2 6) 19 10(0.99) 19 1(0.95)17 0(0.8 5)20 3(1.01) 19 11(0.99)Roadsmen 24 1(1.20) 22 6(1.12) 21 2(1.06)20 5(1.02)Enginemen 23 7(1.18) 23 5(1.1 7) 20 9(1.04)21 2(1.06)Source: Census of Wages,PP 1690-9 1,Vol.LXXVIII,pp.643-49 and 662-64.Note: The rates given for the coal industry require the followcng comment. Three bands of rates for overmen were put together to produce a weighted average. Ti'nere two rates are shown for drawers,one is the time rate and the other a piece rate. Por roadsmen the Census showed rates for time workers end for piece workers. The time rate is given in the table,for fair comparison with the shale mines^since all roadsmen in shale mines were returned as employed on time rates.A484obviously bad its effects on miners* wage rates, and more importantly, on the level of short time working.The Census of Wages also provides information on some major industries in areas adjacent to the shale oil industry. For trades and occupations common to these industries and to shale oil, wage rates are given in Tables 11.3 (a) and (b). The industries concerned are, in Table 11.3 (a), cotton, pig iron and engineering in Glasgow, Lanarkshire and Edinburgh and East Scotland. In Table 11.3(b) a comparison is made with a number of slightly different jobs in the gas industry.The tables show that the shale oil industry was very well integrated with the wage structure of industrial Scotland. The rates paid to the various grades of workers in the industi^ f were comparable with those in the other trades. At the end of a period of expansion lasting some six years, in which a number of new enterprises had been launched, it cannot be said that the industry had been compelled to pay more than the going rate for the labour necessary to this expansion. An abundant supply of cheap labour in Scotland may well have been of some importance in the development of shale oil production.The movement of wages in the period between 1883 and 1914 cannot be charted with any degree of certainty, although press reports and, from 1893, the Annual Reports on Changes in Rates of Wages provide some information.In respect of miners* wages there is also the evidence483given by employers and men to a Wages Tribunal in 1903, supplemented by a graph produced by William Fraser, managing director of the Pumpherston Oil Company, in 1912.^ ^^ ^^ Together these provide an indication of variations in rates from 1888 almost up to the Great War.A reasonably accurate indication of wage levels in the industry in the period immediately before the Great War can be obtained from the legal documents relating to the workings of the Worlmens * Compensation Act of 1906. This provided for compensation by employers to workmen injured in the course of their employment, without regard to considerations of negligence. Compensation was to be at the rate of half the injured man*s average earnings over the previous twelve months or any shorter period with the employer claimAd against. There was a maximum of £1 per week. In cases involving death, compensation took the form of a lump sum payment of three times the dead man*s annual earnings, with a maximum of £300. ^In Scotland the procedure was centred in the Sheriff Courts. IVhere an amount of compensation was agreed between a workman and his employer this could be made the subject of a Memorandum of Agreement, which was lodged with the(399) Minutes of the Arbitration on Siaale Miners * Wages,2 September 1903 (Glasgow, 1903).(400) H.M* Cadell, The Story of the B^ orth (Glasgow, 1915),p. 221.(401 ) Report of the Departmental Committee appointed toinquire into the system of Compensation for Injuries to Workmen, PP 1920, Vol. XXVI, pp. 7-8.486appropriate Sheriff-Clerk, Agreements were not formalised in this way in every case, but a search of the records of the* two Sheriffdoms vdLth jurisdiction in the shale area - Linlithgow and Edinburgh - for the years from 1909 to 1912 produced 973 Memoranda of Agreement relating to accidents in shale mines and oil works and from v/hich a wage level could be deduced.As might be expected, the majority of these^755 (or 77 per cent), were in respect of accidents in the mines. 203 (20 per cent) related to accidents in oil works and 15 did not provide sufficient detail to establish vAiere the accident occurred.Table 11*4: Memoranda of Agreement Lodged by Oil Companieswith the Sheriff-Glerks of Linlithgow and Edinburgh, 1909-12.Yeai^ Young *s Broxburn Pumpherston James Ross Tarbrax (a) Company Company Company Company Company Mines1909 106 62 1681910 90 89 39 7 11 2361911 67 63 44 11 17 2021912 61 33 51 ^ 4324 247 134 22 28 755(b)Works1909 38 21 591910 32 e 8 491911 22 10 8 401912 27 11 16 1 .........119 51 32 1 203Source: Memoranda of Agreement under the Workmens Compensation Acts, Linlithgow and Edinburgh Sheriff Courts. SRO, SC39/64 and 8C41/36.Note: This Table relates only to Memoranda from which a wage level can be deduced, i.e. where a weekly amount of compensation is stated, or %vhere death has resulted. A large number of Memoranda were lodged in these years in lAioh compensation was agreed in the form of small lump sums, from vdiich no useful deduction regarding wage levels is possible.487Table 11.4 shows that Memoranda of Agreement were lodged on behalf of three of the major companies in the industry - the Pumpherston, Broxburn and Young*s Companies. A smaller number of Memoranda være lodged in respect of accidents to workmen employed by James Ross and Company and the Tarbrax Oil Company Limited * The sample of wage levels obtained from the Memoranda of Agreement is therefore fairly well distributed throughout the industry, only the Oakbank and Dalmeny Companies being excluded rThroughout this exercise it is assumed that the amount of compensation was, in each case, calculated in accordance with the formula laid down in the legislation, i.e. that it represented half of the workman’s average earnings, with the over-riding maximum of £1 per week applying in all cases where earnings exceeded two pounds per week. It seems reasonable, on the one hand to assume that the oil companies would not have offered more than required of them by law and^on the other ^that men would not have accepted less than their entitlement. There is, in fact, a fair body of evidence that this assumption is valid. In the case of James Gill, Junior v. Pumpherston Oil Company, compensation was originally fixed at 17/4 (£0.87) per week. It vms subsequently stated that in the 13 and 1/6th weeks before the accident he had earned £22.12.3 (£22.62) and that compensation should properly have been at the rate of 17/2 (£0.86) per week. The higher rate was, however, allowed to s t a n d . O n 17.8.1909,(402) SRO, SC39/64/3, process B209/1909.488George Bolland, a fitter suffered an injury to his right eye. At the time he earned £1.11.6 (£1.375) per week and compensation was fixed at 13/9 (£0.79) per week, i.e. exactly half his weekly wage A miner, ArchibaldCowan, injured on 3,6.1910, was offered 11 shillings per week, representing half his earnings of 22 shillings (£1.10). He disputed the award on the grounds that his wage was in fact £1.10.0 (£1.50) per week.^^^^ On 12.10.1909, John Fairley was injured at No. 2 Pit, Seafield. Compensation was agreed at 14/9 (£0.74) per week - specifically described as ’half the estimated weekly earnings of the claimant *. ^ Similarly a Memorandum of Agreementlodged in respect of an injuiy to John Boyle described the agreed compensation as ’being one half or thereby of hisweekly wage.* A similar statement was made inrespect of compensation paid to Duncan îteiro, injured on 7.2.1905.(^0?)On the assumption, therefore, that , a man’s wage was twice the amount of conpensation received. Table 11,5 was prepared to facilitate comparison of wage levels as indicated by the Memoranda of Agreement with those given in the Census of Wages of 1886. Betifeen the Census of Wages and(403) SRO, 8039/64/11, process C38/1910.(404) SRO, 8039/64/12, process C122/1910.(405) SRO, SC41/36/1, Memorandum of Agreement, 12.10.1909, John Fairley v ^ unpherston Oil Company Ltd.(406) Ibid. Memorandum of Agreement, 28.4.1906, John Boyle V Broxburn Oil Company Ltd.(407) Ibid. Memorandum of Agreement, 11.8.1905, Duncan Munro v Broxburn Oil Company Ltd."able 11,5: images ir. the Shale-Cil Industry in 1686 and 1905-12.(a) Oil Works.Description 1666 1909- 1912,Census of Wages Memoranda of AgreementNumber Average Total Number Average Maxi Min Total IncreaseWage Wages Wage Wages1866£ £ £ £ £ £ %Retort Charger 78 1.22 9 5 .1 6 1 1.91 1.91 5 6 .5Tipmen 74 1.33 96.42 6 1.95 2.00 1.63 1 1 .7 0 4 6 .6Oulletoec 4 1.64 1.66 1.81 7 .3 6Retortmec 55 1 .2 3 68.86 7 1.72 1.93 1 .3 4 12.04 39.6Spent shale emptlier 2 1.98 2.00 1.96 3 .9 6Shale breaker 36 1.22 43.92 5 1.51 1.79 1 .1 3 7 .5 5 23.7Retort Fansmen 2 1.46 1.51 1.42 2 .9 2Retort Drawer 94 1.22 114.65 1 1.93 1.93 58.1Candlepacker 1 1 .5 6 1 .5 6Pressman 112 1 .1 0 1 2 3 .2 0 7 1.51 1 .6 3 1.33 10.57 37.2Paraffin Worker 2 1.39 1 .6 2 1.16 2.763 1 .3 6 1.47 1.27 4.06Fireman 35 1 .0 5 3 6 .7 5 12 1.52 2.00 1.1 6 16.24 44.7Stillman 29 1 .1 8 34.22 2 1.79 1 .9 4 1 .6 3 3.56 5 1.6Still Cleaner 3 1 .6 0 2.00 1 .3 5 4.60Sulphate Maker 34 1.20 40.60 2 1 .5 0 1 .6 4 1.37 3.00 25.0;Copper Cooleraan 1 1 .6 0 1.60Bumerman 1 1.75 1.75Engineman 38 1.17 4 4 .4 6 2 1.62 1 .6 2 1 .6 2 3.24 38.4Towe naan 1 1.66 1.66Runners 86 1.11, 97.68Refiners 65 1 .1 0 7 1 .5 0Hanger-on 1 1.53 1.53Loco Fireman 1 1.92 1 .9 2Loco Brakesman 1 1.02Ash Triaœer 1 1.71 1.71Surfaceman 1 1.99 1.99Coal Emptier 1 1 .9 0 1 .9 0Loco Guard 1 1.45 1.45Fitter's Lab'rer 33 0.90 29.70 1 1.15 1.15 27.7Wagon Trimmer 1 1 .3 3 1.35Cooper 34 1.56 53.04 2 1.76 1.65 1.70 3.56 14.1Boüemakep ^kO- 1-3r90 k -4-53- 1.53 10.030 1.40 42.00 1 2.00 2.00 42.6Fitters 71 1 .3 0 9 2 .3 0 3 1.70 ’ 1.96 1.52 5 .1 0 3 0 .7Candlemaker 1 2.00 2.00Bricklayer 1 1.70 1.70Fillers 30 1 .0 0 3 0 .0 0Smiths 30 1 .3 4 40.20Strikers 22 0.91 20.02Carters 11 , 0.95 10.45Storekeeper 9 1.20 10.60Watchmen 6 0.97 5.82 — —UnspecifiedAbove 30s perweek 4 1.85 7.40 45 1.74 2.00 78.3025-3OS perweek 16 1 .3 2 23 .76 31 1.39 1 .5 0 4 3 .0 920-25s perweek 26 1.06 28.08 20 1.12 22.4015-20s perweek 14 0.67 1 2 .1 6 — --- ----Labourers 259 0.87 225 .3 3 24 1.26 1.96 1.01 3 0 .7 2 47.1Foremen 21 1.72 36.12 ——Totals 1,367 1 ,550 .7 7 203 3 1 0 .6 3Average £1.13 Average £1.53 35.3%Table ii,5(Cont.)490(b) MinesDescription18S6 Censùs of WatesNumber Average Totalcf Men Wage WagesUnderground.Miners 868 1.45 1,2 5 8 .6 0Drawers 473 1 .2 6 595.96Fillers Cloth Hangers Chain Runners 25 1 .2 6 3 1 .5 0Firemen 26 1.37 3 5 .6 2Roadsmen 74 1.20 86.80Reddsmen 29 1.24 35.96FaoemenBottomers 23 1.22 28.06RepairerDriverOstlerBrakesmanBraemanBrusherOncostmanMachinemanOversnenUnspecified1909--- 1912Memoranda of Agreement Number Average Max. Min. of Men Wage13 2.00 26.001,531 2 ,1 0 0 .5 2Average £1.57Total Increase Wages over 1686187 1.80 2.00 1.06 336.60 24.1135 1.55 1.92 1.02 209.25 2 3 .03 1.24 1.37 1 . 0 8 .3.721 1.45 1.4513 1.51 1.71 1 .2 5 19.63 1 9 .85 1 .8 5 1.95 1.73 9.25 35.011 1.66 1.89 1.36 1 8 .4 6 40.010 1.98 2.00 1.94 19.60 ---5 1 .6 5 1.91 1.42 6.251 1.49 1.491 1.62 1.621 1.08 1.06 ---1 .1 . 5 2 1 .5 2 ---1 1 .2 3 1.23 ---1 1.15 ' 1.15 — —1 1.95 1.953 6 8 ' 1.61 2.00 1 .0 3 606.97 ■---745 1,243.44Average £1.67 21.6Above GroundEnginemenPitheadmenPithead-Runne-rs-LabourerFillerBlacksmith •HillsmanFumaoemanHammermanTotals2416-8k1 .1 6 ' 1.29 -0,^ 6-123Average £1 .0 526.3223.22•7?^1 2 9 .3 01.1-3-1 . 8 81.111.131.761.371 .0 51.391 . 2 0Average £1.301 .0 6 1.673 33 1 .1 3 3.56 1.37 1 .0 5 1.39 1.2013.0315,62 3 .6491the Workmens’ Compensation Act data, there is some variation in the range of job descriptions. In respect of the oil works the Census listed 24 different jobs in addition to foremen and a category of unclassified men. The Memoranda of Agreement covered 36 different occupations and a group of men ivhose precise job was not stated. Only sixteen jobs were common to both the Census and the Memoranda of Agreement, and many of these m re represented in the Workmens’ Compensation Act data by one or two cases only.A oomparison was nevertheless made and indicates that in every case there was a substantial increase in wages over the period from 1886 to 1909-12. This varied from 10 per cent in the case of the solitary boilermaker represented in the Memoranda of Agreement, to 38.1 per cent in the case of the only retort drawer. %'âiere larger samples exist, seven retortmen in 1909-12 had an average imge of £1.72 per week, 39*8 per cent higher than in 1886; six tipmen had £1.95 per week, 46.6 per cent more than in 1886; seven pressmen, at £1.31 per week were paid 37*2 per cent more than in 1886; twelve firemen at £1.52 per week had 44,7 per cent more than in 1886. The largest group in 1909-12 conprised 24 labourers whose average wage of £1.28 was 47.1 per cent higher than in 1886. Including men whose job was not specified, the weighted average wage of 203 oil workers was £1.33, i.e. 33.5 per cent up on the 1886 figure of £1.13.Data relating to ’unspecified’ workers confirm that a substantial increase occurred over the period. In the4921886 Census of Wages, 62 such individuals were listed in four different wage bands. A similar classification of the 96 men for whom information is given in Memoranda of Agreement was made and the results are given in part of Table 11.3 (a) along with similar data derived from the Census of Wages. Of 62 unspecified worlmen in 1886, fourteen (or 22 per cent) were paid less than £1 per week* The 1909-12 data indicates that at that time none of theworkers in the sample were paid at that level. In 1886,four men (6 per cent) earned more than £1.30 per week.In 1909-12, 43 men (46 per cent) were remunerated at that level. In 1886 22 men earned more than £1.25, i.e. 35 per cent of the total of unspecified workers. In 1909 to 1912 76 men or 79 per cent were paid at that level. Theweighted average for the 62 men represented in 1886 was£1.13 per week. The corresponding figure in 1909-12 was£1.49, an increase of 29.3 per cent.Similar comparisons betifeen the wages of shale miners and coal miners in 1886, and between shale miners* wages in 1886 and in 1909-12 can be made. The major competition for mining labour was the coal industry. Table 11.3 (a) gives the wage rates for a number of occupations common toshale and coal mining in the three areas of Scotlandcovered by the 1886 Census of Wages. It is immediately apparent from this table that shale miners* wages in 1886 were markedly higher than those of the coal miners. The differential ranged from 7.1 per cent in the case of roadsmen employed in the M d Scotland area, to 48.2 per cent in the case of hourly paid drawers in the East Scotland area.493Of the Memoranda of Agreement lodged between 1909 and 1912 in respect of underground workers in the shale mines, 745 provided data for the calculation of the subjects* weekly wage. An analysis of these rates and a comparison with the equivalent rates in 1886 is given in Table 11.3(b), The average wage of underground mineworkers in the period from 1909 to 1912 was £1.67 per week or 21.8 per cent higher than in 1886. This is considerably less than the increase recorded over the same period by the oil workers (35.3 per cent). However within this average, eleven roadsmen in 1909 to 1912 received an average wage of £1.68 an increase of 40 per cent over their predecessors in 1886. Five firemen with an average wage of £1,85 had 35 per cent more than in 1886. These two groups were, of course, directly employed by the oil companies as ’oncost* workers. Those paid on tonnage rates, hewers and drawers, drew 24.1 and 23 per cent respectively above the 1886 wages.The relatively lower rate of increase in wages of underground workers might be explained^in part at least, by the fact that 165 received compensation at the maximum rate of £1 per week, indicating that their normal weekly wage exceeded £2. If a sizeable proportion of these 165 cases received wages very much in excess of £2, the average for all underground workers may well have been understated. However an increase of 33.3 per cent over the 1886 wage produces a figure of £1.85 per week. Men earning over £2494per week would have required to average £2,90 to achieve such an amount. This is unlikely and it must be accepted that over the period mineworkers* wages rose less than those of the oil workers.As previously noted, (p. 492), shale miners* wages in 1886 were substantially higher than those of other mineworkers in Scotland, probably due to the rapid expansion of the industry at that time. Moreover 1886 may have been an exceptional year for the shale miner. This and the difficulties inherent in the assessment of miners* wages generally will be discussed further in the chapter on trade unionism.Wage levels did not rise steadily over the period from 1886 to 1912. The graph at Figure 11.1 shows the movement of shale miners* wages in relation to those of coal miners, 1889-1912. From 6/- (£0.30) per day in 1890/91 the shale miners’ rate fell to 5/- (£0.25) per day in 1892, remaining at that level until 1898. There was then a steep rise to a peak of 7/9 (£0.3875) per day in 1900. For the rest of the period wages remained relatively stable at between 6/- and 7/- per day. Generally speaking shale miners * wages followed those of coal miners although changes were not so frequent or so marked.The graph was produced by William Fraser, a prominent entrepreneur associated with the oil industry for many years and who had played an important role in wage negotiations.In particular he had been the principal figure on the493employers* side in the 1903 arbitration proceedings; and much of the data can be confirmed from other sources before 1902. Table 11.6 is taken from the miners* evidence to the arbiter in 1903 and confirms the graph more or less exactly. From 1902-1912 some confirmation of wage movements is provided by press reports and by Annual Reports of Changes in Rates of W a g e s . F o r instance, the graph shows a number of changes in the years 1907 and 1908, taking miners * wages from 6/3 (£0.3123) per day to 7/3 (£0.3623) per day by the close of 1907, and down to 6/6 (£0.323) per day later in 1908. These movements are confirmed by Report on Changes in Wages for 1907 and by press reports.It must also be borne in mind that the rates given in the graph and +he table were notional rates, based on an assumed *darg* or day’s work of 3 tons of shale per man.At a rate of 2/- per ton of shale the miner was assumed to have a wage of 6/- per day. The various factors which made actual wages differ from this *norm* were often the subject of industrial dispute and will be considered in detail in discussion of the trades unions in the industry. Here it is sufficient to say that during the 1890s, a period of some difficulty for the industry, these factors(408) See Note 399.(409) Reports on Changes in Wages and Hours of Labour in the United Kingdom published annually as Parliamentary Papers from 1893.(410) Report on Changes in Wages etc. for 1907, PP 1908, ^Vol. XCVIII, p. 880; Midlothian Advertiser, 4.1.1908; Scotsman. 16.11.1912.496tended to depress wages below the ’norm*. In the morebuoyant trade situation of the 1900s they tended to operatein favour of the miners. For instance, in February 1902,when the agreed rate was 6/- per day, miners at Hermandf4l 1 )works near West Calder, averaged 8/- (£0.404) per day.^It is also the case that over the period 1909 to 1912 the agreed rate was 6/5 (£0.325) per day or 39/- (£1.93) for a six day week. During that period the evidence of the Worlonens* Compensation Act papers demonstrates that actual wages ranged from £1.06 to over £2 per week for hewers and from £1.02 to £1.92 for drawers. Out of the sample of 745 men, 165 were paid more than £2 per week.The movements in wage rates were often large, especially in the case of underground mineworkers. For exarfple, in relation to the 1888 base of 3/- per day, wages in 1900 rose by 1/9 or 33 per cent. Conversely in 1901 wages fell by 1/3 per day or 25 per cent. The wages of surface workers and of oil workers generally followed those of the miners but with less variation. In 1900 the retort- men had an increase of 6 pence (£0.025) in a year in which the miners had secured advances totalling 1/9 (£0.0873) •In 1901 When the miners lost 1/3 (£0.0625), retortmen lost only 3 pence (£0,0125) per day.^^^^^(411) West Lothian Courier. 14.2.1902.(412) Reports on Changes in Wages etc. 1900, PP 1901, Vol. LXXII, pp. 1128/9; 1901, PP 1902, Vol. XCVI,pp. 490 :491 and 312.497c3L'J•Ha.5 -Bj I f l Wbo o.•aCT\okûtocj1^.o<4-;O&OC3OÆr4O498Table il#6 ; male Mlnere* Wages,Ï88é-Ï903STATEMENT AS TO WAGES PAID TO COAL AND SHALE MINERS FROM 1886 ONWARDS.COAL MINEBS’ WAGES. SHALE MINERS' WAGES.Tew. - Date. Rate per dey.Rate of Rata of Redaction. Yew. Data.Rataper day.Rata of Adranoe.Rata of Redaction.1886 Jan. 4/3 1886 Jan. 5/6Feb. 3/9 10 per cent 28th Oct 6/0 10 per cent1887 Feb. 4/3 10 per cent 1887 14th July 3/6 10 per cent1st July 3/11 7 i .. to 5/0 It was to 201888 1st June 3/94 24 „ per cent1st Nov. 3/11 .. 1888 . 1st Jan. 5/6 1013th Nov. 4/2 515th Dec. 4/5 51889 15th Jan. 18th April 15th June4/84/644/83 „ 24 „ISth July 4/6 2& ..12th Sept. 5/0 10 1889 19th Sept 6/0 1015th Oct. 5/6 10 ■ ..7th Nov. 6/0 101892 1st May 5/6 10 1892 12th May 5/6 10 per cent6 th Oct. 5/0 10 20th Oct 3/0 101893 11th Feb. 4/6 10 „ 1893 Feb. 4/6 1022nd May 4/0 105/010 th Aug. 4/6 10 Aug. 1015th Aug. 5/0 1024th Aug. 6/0 201894 7th May 5/0 201895 11th April 4/0 101896 7 th March ICth Nov.4/04/6 1010 „ ,1898 14th April 5/0 1019th April 3/6 1020th Oct 5/6 1022nd Aug. 6/0 10 18981899 1st April 6/3 3 „ 1899 31st Aug. 6/0 10 „1900 l.st Feb. 7/0 15 1900 1st April 6/9 151st Aug. 8/0 20 9th Aug. 7/9 201901 0th March 7/0 20 1901 14th ^larch 6/9 206 th June 6/6 10 8th Aug. 6/3 105 th Sept. 6/0 10 11th Nov. 6/0 31902 14th July 17th Sept.5/95/035Nov./Dec. 5/9 6}1903 June 5/6 6} o20 Changes. 18 Changes. 8 Changes. 7 Changes.Total, 38 Changes. Total, 15 Changes.Somrees Miautes of Arbitration on Shale Miners* Wages(Glasgo\^tI905)Such movement in wages promptsi consideration of wage levels in relation to available information on costs of subsistence and the best available estimates are those of Rowntree in 1 9 0 0 , amended by Bowley and Bumett-Hurst in 1915. The cost of living standards calculated by them are reproduced as Table 11.7*The 1891 Census Enumerators* Books provide details of the composition of households in villages associated with the oil industry and this data can be readily related to the Census of Wages carried out in 1886, which gives wage rates for men employed in the industry.The cost of living standards in Table 11.7 were applied to households in the village of Addiewell, as indicated by the Census Enumerators * books for 1891, to produce a cost of living for each household. House rents were taken at the figure given in evidence to the Royal Commission on Housing in 1 9 1 4 . Lodgers and boarders were excluded from the calculation at this stage. The wage rates in the Census of Wages of 1886 were applied to the employed members of each household to produce an estimate of income. For each household the difference between income and subsistence costs was calculated in money terms and as a percentage of subsistence costs.(413) B.S. Rowntree, Poverty (1901).(414) A.L. Bowley and A*R. Bumett-Hurst, Livelihood and Poverty (1913) •(415) PP 1890-91, Vol. LXXVIII, pp. 662-64.(416) Royal Commission ..on Housing 1912-17, Minutes of Evidence, Vol. 3, PP* 1802-6.500V/here the occupation given in the Census Enumerators #Books had no corresponding description in the Census of Wages ; the average wage for mines or oil works as appropriate was applied. This was necessary in the case of 30 out of 290 household heads and 14 out of 198 other employed persons. Boys and Youths were treated as earning 10 shillings (£0.50) per week.Of 290 households in Addiev/ell, 56 (19.3 per cent), given the wages of the 1886 Census of Wages, would have been unable to attain either the Rowntree subsistence level or the New Standard of Bowley and Bumett-Hurst. Thirteen households were similarly placed in respect of the Rowntree standard only and three in relation to the New Standard. Three households would have existed below the subsistence level if the breadwinner had been paid at the minimum wage specified in the Census of Wages for his occupation. Altogether a total of 75 families (25.8 per cent of the total) would have been living at or below the minimum level of subsistence. In addition it can be shown that a further 38 households would have suffered the same fate but for the earnings of employed persons other than the principal breadwinner.In fact; 177 of the 290 households in Addiewell were families with a single breadwinner and 72 (40.6 per cent) lived at or below one or other of the subsistence standards Only three of 113 families with more than one wage-eamer was in a similar position. Clearly, in the shale area, poverty among the employed population was largely confined to families dependent on a single wage.501Table 11.7: Cost of Living; Standards for TypicalHouseholds.Man & WifeHan,Wife & 2 schoolchildrenHan,Wife & 5 children under 5Additionfor:Han aged over 18Woman, over 16Girl,14-16Lad,16-18Schoolchild,5-14Infant, under 5StateInsuranceandFuels. d. (p-)1 7(0.08)1 7(0.08)1 7 (0.08)Food TotalClothingandSundriesRowntreeStandardNewStandardExcl. Rent Rowntree New Standard Standards* d. s. d. s. d. s. d. 8. d.(p.) (p*) (p.) (p-) (p.)1 4 (0.07)7 0 (0.35)8 2 (0.41)9 11 (0.49)11 1 (0.55)2 6 (0.125)12 2 (0.61)12 8 (0.63)16 3 (0.8I)16 9 (0.84)3 1 (0.15)14 9 (0.74)12 8 (0.63)19 5 (0.97)17 4 (0.87)0 8 (0.03)3 5 (0.175)4 6(0.225)0 8 (0.03) (0.175)3 8 (0.18)0 7 (0.03) (O.13Î,3 8 (0.18)0 a(0.03)3 6 (0.175)3 10 (0.19)(0.03^2 7 (0.13)3 10 (0.19)2 7 (0.13)2 3 (0.113)(0.03^ (0.13^1 5 (0,075)Source: A.L. Bowley and A.R. Bumett-Hurst, Livelihood andPoverty# (1915), p. 83*502The percentage by which putative incomes exceeded or failed to meet the calculated subsistence requirements were calculated and are given in Table 11.8, In the worst case a family lived at a level 53.67 per cent below the Rowntree subsistence standard. With an income of 17/4 (£0.86) from the household head’s wage as a labourer, the husband, wife, two infants, three schoolchildren and two teenage girls required 37/5 (£1.87) to sustain the Rowntree standard of living, leaving a deficit of 20/l (£1.004). At the other extreme 54 families enjoyed incomes more than 100 per cent greater than the Rowntree standard; one household consisting of two single employed males had wages 346 per cent above the subsistence standard. Only fifteen of the 177 households dependent on a single v/age earner had incomes of more than twice the Rowntree standard of subsistence. None of the fifteen had children. Ten households consisted of married couples with no co-residing children; four were single or widowed men living alone and there was a widowed joiner with a housekeeper.Undoubtedly though, in the early years of the industry, a considerable number of dependent families must have found it difficult to attain even the minimal standard of living postulated by Rowntree. Rowntree made no allowance for ’expenditure on such items as tram fares, insurance other than State, tobacco, beer, petty luxuries, amusements, betting, nor for pocket money of any kind. ’ His aim(417) Bowley and B u rn e tt-H u rs t, on. c i t . . p . 8150:was ’to select a standard diet which gives adequate nutrition at the lowest possible cost.’^^ ^^ )Any expenditure on such luxuries by members of families living at or below the defined standard must have imposed severe strains on already limited resources. It seems unlikely that the 73 workmen involved were all of such saintly character as to deny themselves pleasures freely indulged in by their more affluent fellow workmen.For example^in 1882, the West Calder Co-operative Society sold one and a half TONS of tobacco. Moreover West Calder was well provided with public houses at that time.^^^^^Rent was obviously a major item of household expenditure, though at 1/7 (£0.079) for a single room and 2/4 (£0.117) for two rooms, Addiewell workers paid rents which were among the lowest in "the shale area. The evidence of the Shale Miners’ Union to the Royal Commission on Housing indicates that, for housing owned by employers, the average rent v/as 3/1 i’ (£0.156). For privately rented accommodation a rent of 4/- (£0.20) for two rooms was not unusual.The employers’ evidence was that single apartment houses cost from 1/5 (£0.071 ) to 1/11 (£0.096) per week; two apartment houses from 2/4 (£0.117) to 3/3 (£0.1625). The shale workers were probably better placed than the average(418) Romtree, op. cit. # p. 106.(419) West Lothian Courier# 10.2.1883,(420) Royal Commission on Housing, Minutes of Evidence (Edinburgh, 1921), Vol. 2, pp. '1186 and504in this respect forain the late nineteenth century, the average British working class expenditure on rent was 16 per cent of i n c o m e . ^ 16 per cent of the average wageof oil workers (£1.13) was 3/7i (£0.18), i.e. 6 pence (£0 .025) more than the average rent of company owned housing and 4-| pence more than the highest rent charged for a house of two rooms. If average income per household is taken instead of the average wage, the position of shale workers compared with the British average was considerably better.One reason for the relative cheapness of employer- provided housing can be found in nineteenth century housing reformers’ conviction that low rents for working class housing required absolute regularity of payment There is evidence that landlords of working class houses charged very Mgh rents, partly to secure themselves against non-payment by a proportion of t e n a n t s . Oil companies as landlords did not face this problem, since rents were deducted from workmens* wages, and on cessation of employment any wages due to an employee could be held back to offset rent due and any damage to property. Low rents of company houses were not the result of philanthropy on the part of employers. In evidence to the Royal Commission on Housing, the general manager of the Pumpherston(421 ) Enid Gauldie, Cruel Habitations (1974), p. 164.(422) Ibid.# p. 165.(423) Ibid.505Company revealed that its housing stock yielded a profit of about 3'l per cent per annum.Shale workers in company-owned property were therefore somewhat better placed than the average British workman in the late nineteenth century because of lower rents. In addition, the existence of substantial numbers of single apartment houses at even lower rents provided for some households a further means of reducing expenditure.71 of the 290 households under consideration at Addiewell occupied such houses.In evidence to the Royal Commission on Housing sanitary officials and employers indicated that in many cases single apartment houses were occupied by unsuitably large families because of their cheapness, the implication being that workmen might have afforded more rent for superior accommodation had less been spent on drink and other pleasures. At the same time it was conceded that one-roomed houses were perfectly adequate for single people and for couples with only one child.,In Addiewell, 21 of the 71 single apartment houses were occupied by families whose resources were insufficient to meet one or other of the poverty standards. Of the fifty households with incomes above the subsistence level, eighteen comprised two persons or less and eight consisted of husband, wife and one child. Only twelve households had more than one wage earner and it is towards such families that the criticism v/as directed. Unfortunately such criticism seems to be incapable of being directed with506sufficient accuracy to avoid its attribution to the entire class of which its objects form only a small part.Rowntree pointed to the possibility of marginal contributions to working class budgets from sources such as gardens and allotments. The oil companies providedsuch gardens, but to by no means all of their tenants.The Broxburn Company did not as a general rule provide houses with gardens, while Young’s Company omied 966 houses with 361 gardens. The Pumpherston Company provided gardens with 541 of its 947 houses.A more important source of relief for hard-pressed households in the shale area must have been the keeping of lodgers or boarders, The oil companies relied to a considerable extent upon this practice for the accommodation of the work f o r c e . T h e 1891 Census enumerators’ books indicate that 84 of tlie 290 households at Addiewell sheltered one or more lodgers. For forty of these the calculated income to subsistence ratio was below one or other of the standards, There were 176 lodgers in total;99 lodged in households living at or below the subsistence standard and 77 in families above the standards.The dependence of the industry on lodgings for the accommodation of workers therefore provided a cushion(424) Rowntree, op. cit. # p. 112.(425) Royal Commission on Housing, Evidence (Edinburgh, 1921), Vol. 3, pp. 1802-3.(426) See Chapter 9, p. ##.. Some 30 per cent of the industry’s work force in 1871 were lodgers or boarders.507against poverty for some low income households. It must be said however, that in Addiewell in 1891 33 such familieshad no help from this source and that by no means all lodgers were accommodated in such households.The increase in wage levels between 1886 and 1914 took place in a period of relative stability in prices. Bowley provides a cost of living index showing a decline from 89 in 1886 to 83 in 1893 and a gradual rise to 100 in 1914. Between 1886 and 1914 therefore there was an increase of some 12 per cent in living costs at the same time as shale workers’ wages rose by an average of about 30 per cent.^^^^^ Over the period therefore, many shale workers must have e:cperfenced considerable improvement in their circumstances. Nevertheless^ given that some 28 of the 290 families in Addiewell had calculated income to subsistence requirement ratios of more than 20 per cent below the Rowntree subsistence standard, it is clear that many families in the shale area must have remained in poverty, despite the favourable movement of wages and prices.It cannot be claimed that the foregoing analysis is an exact assessment of the situation at Addiewell in 1891. The cost of living standards used were calculated on the basis of prices ruling in a very different area of the country. The wage levels given in the Census of Wages are(427) A.L. Bowley, V/ages and Income in the United Kingdom since I860 (Cambridge, 1937)V P* 30.(428) See this Chapter, pp# 469-90.508averages and although the Report states that in most cases the men were paid at rates within 10 per cent of the average, there remains the possibility that individual households at Addiewell might have had incomes greater or less than those calculated. Despite such deficiencies it cannot be denied that the exercise usefully relates the statistical evidence of the Census of Wages and of the surveys carried out by Rovmtree and Bowley and Bumett- Hurst to an actual human situation.The evidence of this situation is that wage levels in the shale oil industry in the late nineteenth century were not in general sufficiently high to remove all of the families dependent on the industry from the familiar cycle of relative affluence enjoyed by young childless couples, followed by the struggle to bring up a family, succeeded in turn by a further period of prosperity while young unmarried adults contributed to the household income. In the shale area there was a considerable incidence of poverty among regularly employed working people. 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A NN !-tA A a i5372 222 ©C 2•ri 2P 22 A ©A 0 12 ©c bO0 20- JO +ejapjBog JO sjaSpogn > 2 © a % ©A 0 42 2 a2 © 0CO A20©>4 © " ^0 2 2 a•S i0 0 © .x-Xa A O 4A 2 a© © 0a A<01o2 H©§5© asPi43 S -t om A m T-o43a©mgX%§•HP 4 •H a w a0 aA C1o91./0 UBR91-/0 UBmoja, 9i--f7l- xjpf)91-91- pBg 9l-"-"^7l. iCogÇ *iepun QJTiA^W-tjaqnmgocnogp200P CO© A©2PCO m>i>2 ma2i2 1 2 g ! £ 3! g 31-3§ , s2 CO © © P 3 4 2 2 a 2CO pq2 2 © ©?2 ? ©134 ©PHNVmi.%p-m#%-cn3 ibO x-x2 © B: !a 0 © . !> « 2 % p~ ia 4 © ma 2 A i1A0 fi 4 12 a 2 ®P P o p © p-2 00 'w' 0 2 m0 A a !3 3a aAmA44mvo a c o cc m A Koj o om A3m1PJ AmAmONPs a, _ 2 o: © a 41:3 3 4■t 2 a A { 2 2 A ’O a <4+ i +a s2, 2 2 2 ©'2 4 ©A O o ; pOo©4 2 2 2io;a a cm m^ 3S t% *-dimmcom m9 'S 3+ i I ;S i S• Î *4-tjP-s+ :m Memoir of the Geological Survey « (Glasgow, i906 k 1912).(430) Royal Commission on Mines, Minutes of Evidence, PP 1908, XX.(431) These are available in the series of sessional Parliamentary Papers in the National Library of Scotland(432) These form part of the appropriate Sheriff Court records in the Scottish Record Office. Repertory SC 39, Mid Lothian, and SC 41, West Lothian.(433) Newspapers consulted include the West Lothi^ Courier. Linlithgowshire Gazette. Lothians Express, Midlothian Advertiser. Scotsman."539conditions experienced in very thin seams. There remained three considerable handicaps inherent in working below ground. The first was the complete dependence on artificial light. At his working place the shale miner had for illumination only the cap lamps of himself and his drawer.He called this the small • sweet oil* lasip* In 1907 John Wilson, the miners * agent^in evidence to the Royal Commission stated, *In some cases we have seams now going 10 feet* and often there is a good deal of powder smoke when it is impossible to see the roof or the stoop 12 feet wide. *Wilson also mentioned a second problem, that of ventilation. He maintained that the very extensive use of explosives in shale mining necessitated special ventilation to keep working places clear and he asked for a more precise definition of 'adequate ventilation* Hugh Kennedy, aretired miner who started work in 1915 iu Number 4 mine at Deans works, referred feelingly to • swallowing powder reek and Stour* as one of his memories of shale mining, in conversation with me in 1980.Caldwell stated that the shale mines were less afflicted with water troubles than coal m i n e s . T h e r e are, however, several instances of flooding in shale mines.The Pentland mine of the Clippens Oil Company was flooded In 1887^ The Newliston mine of Young's Con^any was closed(434) Royal Commission on Mines, Minutes of Evidence, PP 1908, XX, p. 517.(435) Ibid., p. 518.(436) Caldwell, on. cit. (1906), p. 127.(437) West Lothian Courier. 24.9.1887.540for the same reason in 1897*^^^^ In 1907 number 5 mine at Philpstoun was partly under w a t e r . A p a r t from such large inundations there is some evidence that individual shale miners faced difficulties with water in their working places. In the course of a dispute the shale miners* agent made reference to men having to work wet places and to the necessity of filling chests with water before commencingwork.^ ' In 1889 a drawer at Broxburn was seriously hurt while riding to the surface on a rake of water chests.In addition to such discomforts shale miners had to cope with the dangers inherent in underground working, including gas explosions, falls of the roof and sides of workings, accidents with machinery and esqplosives. The industry developed at a time when government intervention in the interests of safety had become a fact, in coal mines at least* The Coal Mines Inspection Act of 1855 and the Coal Mines Regulation Act of I860 had introduced the principle of examination of coal mines by independent inspectors responsible to the Home Secretary. Unfortunately shale mines were not brought into the system of regulation and inspection until the passage of the 1872 Coal Mines Regulation Act.In the intervening period there occurred the first major accident in a shale mine*(458) Ibid.. 20.11.1897.(459) Annual Report by Inspector of Mines (East Scotland Area), 1907, PP 1908, Vol. XIX, p. 13.(440) West Lothian Courier. 28.11.1891.(441) Inspector of Mines Report, 1889, PP 1890, Vol. XXIII, pp. 15-33.541In 1869 the Starlaw shale pit was worked by E. Meldrum & Con^any, a firm established by Edward Meldrum, James Young *s former partner. There ivas a single shaft about 40 fathoms deep and the seam had been worked to about 200 fathoms from the pit bottom in one direction and about 100 fathoms in the other. îHie pit shaft was lined for most of its depth with timber and was divided into tim by a timber partition to facilitate ventilation. This was provided by a *cube* or furnace situated some 30 feet from the foot of the * upcast* section of the shaft and connected to it by a flue some 3i feet in height. The furnace was fired twice a day and at these times produced smoke which was so dense as to prevent men from working at the pit head. The wooden lining of the upcast shaft naturally became covered with soot and the immediate cause of the accident was the ignition of this soot by a spark from the furnace and the consequent burning of the wooden lining. The only means of exit from the mine was by the cage in the o#ier section of the shaft and 49 of idie 56 men in the pit were brought out before the rope caught fire and broke. Seven men died in the pit and another man rescued died from bums sustained in the journey up the burning shaft.The fundamental reason for this disaster was the single shaft. If a second shaft had been used to provide ventilation fire would not have resulted in a complete blockage of egress from the pit, and ventilation would also have continued(442) Scotsman. 11.4.1870.542via the main shaft. 2Ms state of affairs was remedied in the 1872 Act, which also provided for the submission of reports by the Inspectors. These reports are the main source of data on fatal and non-fatal accidents in Scottish mines.Table 12.1 was constructed from the Annual Reports of the Inspector for the East of Scotland area, for the twelve years from 1881 to 1892. Outwith this period coEoplete data were not given for non-fatal andidents. The Table shows the number of men involved in fatal and non-fatal accidents in various categories defined by the Inspector, for shale mines and for all mines worked under the Coal Mines Regulation Act. The number of men employed is also given.In the t\7elve years from 1881 to 1892 shale miners were involved in accidents resulting in 75 fatalities. Over the same period in all mines under the Coal Mines Regulation Act there were 1,017 deaths. Thus 7«37 per cent of fatalities occurred in shale mines which over the period employed an average of 8.03 per cent of ih e miners. In terms of fatal accidents shale mines appear to have been marginally safer than other mines. With regard to non-fatal accidents the 488 men injured in the shale mines represented 12.14 per cent of those injured in the East of Scotland area, indicating that shale mines were considerably more dangerous than other mines.With regard to the various categories of accident the record of the shale industry in comparison with other mines is given in Table 12.2. In respect of accidents caused byE H5430HSggCO1sXÉCJ>IXCOIiAMAO N0 0 SI X0 0 <0 02• HM©2 C O X• H E H UNIX©■Pd©3coGo• H- P2OAo2O r x - d o r xo V O V O 00 - d N NU N N N U N r x005raë♦ HSr4iHO © G 4 2E•rlA A o 4 O G 2ra 2 A •rl © G G ©G 2 ra ü X G w O, A OA h o 4 A © Ü 2 O -P 2 O2 •H © o 4 •< 1—! 2 G CiO ra 2 •ri 4 to © 2 ©© bO o •rl ra CO -P © 2 4 © 4 © OrH © rH A rH 4 A ü © •ri> 2 X 2X ■P A H 2 ra 4 ü o -P e G2 2 X A 2 G X •rl G Ü X O G PEh CO A o A 2 CO X < < EH A COfalls of roof etc. and of accidents in shafts, shale mines had a better record than other mines. There was a low incidence of shaft accidents in shale mines. They accounted for 6.6, per cent of deaths and 1.43 per cent of non-fatal injuries, while in mines generally 13*47 per cent of deaths and 4,68 per cent of injuries resulted from such accidents. This may be explained by the fact that many shale mines were entered by inclines rather than shafts. Accidents on the main incline leading into a mine would therefore appear in the category ^miscellaneous underground* as haulage accidents. With regard to * explosions of firedamp* and *miscellaneous underground*, shale had a considerably worse record than other mines. 11 per cent of deaths and 27.4 per cent of injuries resulting from firedamp explosions occurred in shale mines which employed only 8.03 per cent of all miners.Working methods in shale mines may well have contributed to this situation. Stoop and Room working, whicli was common in shale mining, often left large areas of *waste* from which the mineral had been extracted but in vdaich the seam had not yet closed up. IMring the settling of the roof to the pavement, cracks and fissures opened and could aHow gas to penetrate the waste and seep into working places* Sometimes men were tenpted to enter such areas in search of loose shale or to perform bodily functions. In doing so their naked lights could easily have ignited any gas. For instance Robert Anderson, aged fifteen, was killed in 1888 when he entered a fenced-off upset with a naked l i g h t . I n 1897(443) Inspector of Mines Report, 1888, PP 1889, Vol. XXIEy p. 23.546a man vms killed by an explosion VfMle lifting rails in an abandoned road.^^^^ In 1907, three men died in an explosion of firedamp at Ehilpstoim number 5 mine. One man was found badly burned in the waste and it was presumed that his naked light had ignited gas there.Firedamp could also enter a place from adjacent workings. In most mines several seams were worked and some were in close vertical proximity. In 1890 at the Holmes mine, the Jubilee dook was worked above another working and in June of that year a rent in the pavement allowed gas into the Jubilee dook. Although warned against entering the place a miner and a boy went in and fanned the gas out into the main dook where there were a number of men with naked lights. In the explosion seven men were burned, one of whom Mtir died.^^^^ Until 1912 there were no shale mines in which safety lamps were compulsory for illumination. It was quite common for firemen and other officials to carry both a safety lamp and a naked light while examining workings for g a s . A t a Fatal Accident Inquiry in 1911 into the deaths of two men at Dalmeny mine , it was stated that a contractor and a fireman both carried naked lights Wien entering the section where an explosion took place.(444) Ibid., 1897, PP 1898, Vol. XVII, p. 164.(445) Ibid., 1907, PP 1908, Vol. XIX, p. 13.(446) West Lothian Courier. 14.6.1890.(447) Inspector of Mines Report, 1907, PP 1908, Vol. XIX,p. 12.(448) SRO, SC 41/13/1, Fatal Accident Inquiry into the deaths of Robert Grieve and Francis Gilhooley.547Many accidents from gas explosions might well have been prevented by miners exercising greater care. However, they were paid on tonnage rates and any time spent waiting for changes in the ventilation system to clear a working place was unproductive. There was ^therefore, a considerable incentive for the miner to adopt less orthodox methods of clearing his place. This was tacitly aclmowledged by firemen, the officials responsible for declaring a place safe to work. John Wardrope, a retired miner, has indicated to me that, on occasion, a fireman would allow a miner to enter a place %fith instructions to *gie thon place a bit dicht * before starting work, i.e. the miner was to beat the gas away from the face with a piece of screen cloth or a jacket.Safety lamps were difficult to work \d.th since they did not give out as much light as a naked flame because of the close mesh gauze which formed the barrier between the flame and the atmosphere. This deficiency %vas put forward as a reason for seeking exemption for shale mines from safety lamp regulations in 1912.Injuries and fatalities caused by falls of roof etc. were also related to working methods. The primary agent in shale extraction was explosives. After charges were fired loose shale was removed from the woiking place and transported to the surface. It often happened that pieces of shale were only partially freed from the main body of the seam by the explosion. Such material required to be prisedWest Lothian Courier. 5.1 *1912.548off with a crowbar or *pinch*, and a number of accidents are recorded in this operation. In 1905, Isaac Chambers, a former president of the shale miners* union, suffered a broken leg in «pinching down loose shale In 1907John McVey was killed in a Broxburn mine when the roof collapsed while he was pinching off bottom shale. ^ In1905 another Broxburn miner was killed idiile taking down top s h a l e . A t Roman Camp mine in 1904 a miner \ms killed in pinching off shale after firing a shot.^^^^)Accidents were also common in *holing* the shale.This was the operation in ^ diich the shale was undermined to a distance of about 3 feet to make it possible to blast the upper section of the seam down into the *hole* thus created. * Holing* itself was normally done by explosives but the cavity would normally have required to be cleaned out by hand aftenvards. mere the shale lay on a bed of softmaterial, the required cavity ivas excavated by hand. In both cases while working under the shale the miner was protected from falls by *sprags* - short lengths of timber - placed at an angle to support the mid shale lAile the ♦hole* was being e x c a v a t e d . T h e Annual Reports of the Inspector of Mines indicate a number of fatal accidents in ♦holing* operations. In 1897 and 1905 the Reports(450) Ibid.. 22.9.1905.(451) Inspector of Mines Report, 1907, PP 1908, Vol. XIX, p. 34.(452) Ibid., 1905, PP 1906, Vol. XIX, p. 40.(453) Ibid., 1904, PP 1905, Vol. XV, p. 4l.(454) Caldwell, op. cit.. (1906), p. 116.549specifically mentioned the absence of ‘sprags* as a contributory factor in a number of cases However, thesetting of *sprags* was not an absolute guarantee of safety.A miner was killed at Ihgleston mine in 1909 while boring for a shot; a fall of shale carried away the »sprags* he had set.(^^^)In the statistics of the Inspectors* Reports the heading *Miscellaneous Underground* included accidents due to explosives and those involving haulage systems. In 1902 the Inspector for the East of Scotland area reported that •The shale mines are responsible for the larger proportion of accidents by explosives relative to output and this need not be wondered at, considering the quantity of explosives used and the number of shots fired in the mining operations.* He also commented on the number of accidents resulting from firing a number of shots at the same time, and on those caused by misfires.Examination of the Inspectors* Reports and other contemporary evidence indicates that the use of explosives in shale mines was accompanied by a considerable degree of carelessness on the part of the miners and also of management in allowing and possibly encouraging some of the practices which seem to have been normal.(455) Inspector of Mines Reports, 1897, PP 1898, Vol. XVII,pp. 164-65? 1905, PP 1906, Vol. XIX, p. 13.(456) Ibid., 1909, PP 1910, Vol. XLIII, p. 120.(457) Ibid., 1902, PP 1903, Vol. XV, p. 270.550In the industry 8^ early years gunpowder was carried loose into the mines# The concurrent use of loose powder and naked lights has obvious dangers. In 1884, at Burntisland I a miner was killed; * while charging a shot the powder exploded at his lamp* At South mine Broxburn,a miner in 1881 was burned by an esqplosion of two flasks of gunpowder ignited by *a light falling from a lamp*The crude fuses - pieces of straw filled with gunpowder used by the early shale miners contributed to a dismal accident record* In 1874 three miners from M d Calder were found guilty of destroying growing oats to procure straw for blasting* In 1882 Robert Hutchison was » filling a straw, preparatory to using it as a slow match for blasting, when it is thought a spark from his lamp ignited the powder he was using. • Such accidents became less common with theintroduction of manufactured fuse consisting of a cord with a core of gunpowder* In addition the Coal Mines Regulation Act of 1887 prohibited the taking of loose powder into mines * ^Accidents with esjplosives remained a problem. A common cause was the practice of igniting a number of shots at the same time. In 1901, in two separate incidents, miners were killed vdiile attempting to light six shots* In1902 a Hiilpstoun miner^ vdio was alone in his section, lit(458) Ibid., 1884, PP 1884-85, Vol. XV, p. 467.(459) West Lothian Courier. 8*12,1881.(460) Ibid.* 18.11.1882.(461) Caldwell, op* cit. (1906), p. 108.551three shots the first of which exploded before he was completely clear. He suffered a broken leg and body injuries but crawled 150 feet up a 1 in 4 incline before being found. He died later.The use of unsuitable implements in * stemming* or ramming the shot into the hole drilled to receive it was another cause of accidental explosions* In 1897 a Pumpherston miner was killed in an explosion thought to have been initiated by sparks from the steel * pinch* he ims using as a stemmer.^^^^ A proper ‘stemmer* consisted of a length of turned wood bound in copper to prevent sparks when it came into contact with the sides of the shot hole#If a shot hole had been drilled slightly askew because of a rock rib the wooden stemmer was not, on occasion, rigid enough to take the shot right up to the end of the hole.In such circumstances, with the alternative of drilling another hole, a miner might well have been tempted to use the more rigid steel pinch.Shale miners could also be at risk from shots fired by other miners. This was largely a result of the stoop and room method of extraction with its multiplicity of working places. During 1911 at Number 52 mine in West Calder a miner was killed vhen a shot broke through from a neighbouring place into his own.^^^^^ Similar fatalities occurred at Buddings ton in 1910 and at Dalmeny in 1897»^^^^^ A(462) Inspector of Mines Report, 1902, PP 1903, Vol. X\% p. 295(463) Ibid., 1897, PP 1898, Vol. XVII, p. 169#(464) Ibid., 1911, PP 1912-13, Vol. XLÏ, p. 76.(465) Ibid., 1910, PP 1911, Vol. XXXVI, p. 55; 1897, PP 1898, Vol. XVII, p. 169.552miner at Young *s number 26 mine in 1893 lit a shot and retired, as he thought, to a place of safety. At that moment a neighbouring miner fired a shot directly opposite this refuge and the man was injured.The need for speed in getting away from a place after lighting a shot is well illustrated by an accident at Broxburn in 1906 in which a miner was killed. The Inspector of IbLnes concluded that the man's light had been extinguished by the sparking of a fuse and that he had then dropped it and put off time in searching for In1901 at Cousland mine, a miner, after lighting a holing shot, had lost his light and obviously had had difficulty in getting away in the dark. His body was found 64 feet from the face.Special Rule 1A was introduced in 1902 to reduce the number of explosives accidents. It restricted the number of shots fired at any one time to two and also provided for misfires to be left for at least thirty minutes before the miner went back to investigate. ©le rule did not completely eradicate such accidents. From 1903 to 1911 eight men were killed in accidents involving explosives. However, at 12.12 per cent of all fatal accidents in these years this compares favourably with the period before the introduction of the new rule. From 1879 to 1902 25 men were killed by explosives, comprising 16.12 per cent of all(466) West Lothian Courier. 27.5*1893.(467) Inspector of Mines Report, 1906, PP 1907, Vol. XIII,p. 43.553fatalities.Another major cause of death and injury in shale mines was accidents involving haulage machinery. Shale seams often lay at considerable angles to the horizontal, giving rise to steeply inclined working places and access roads.A variety of methods was used to deliver the shale to the pit bottom or to the 'main dook* or access incline in dipping mines Horse haulage was used in some cases, but where there were steeply inclined seams it was often possible to use various forms of 'self acting* incline, v;Mch consisted of two parallel lengths of rail connecting the two levels of operation. At the top of the incline, normally near a working face, a 'tree* or prop was fixed between roof and pavement to support a pulley wheel round which was passed a rope. One end of the rope was attached to a hutch loaded with waste material so as to weigh rather less than a hutch full of shale. This was known as a 'cuddy*. With the'cuddy* at the bottom of the incline a full hutch of sliale was attached to the other end of the rope and could be let down to the lower level using the * cuddy* as a countenmight. The speed of descent v/as controlled by a crude brake on the pulley wheel or the rope. VIhen the full hutch was removed an empty one could be attached in its place and the weight of the 'cuddy* would take it to the working place. Such arrangements were known as * cuddy braes *.A 'cousie brae * was a development of this in v;hich several full hutches could be let down an incline pulling a number of empty hutches up on the other set of rails. The554speed was again controlled by a brake. A 'cut chain brae' was a similar arrangement adapted to serve more than one level or 'bench'.In vertical shafts the shale was removed to the surface in a cage or hoist. Where access was by means of an incline or 'in-going eye' hutches were often drawn to the surface in 'rakes', i.e. connected to one another in the same manner as railway wagons. In steeper inclines, wheeled carriages constructed to provide one or two level decks to accommodate hutches were hauled on rails up and dov^ n the incline.The dangers associated ivith such haulage systems are obvious. Vhere men and hutches were moving about levels and dooks in close proximity and in darkness, except for the cap lamps of the miners, accidents were inevitable. As early as 1885 the Inspector of Mines commented on the proximity of men and machinery saying that it would be better 'to make sufficient width of road so that a man might stand on one side to allow the tub to pass him. As far as possible travelling roads should be made for the men, and so prevent their going on to the tram roads.' In inclined shale mines such 'travelling roads' were provided to allow miners to walk to and from tiieir places without sharing the main do ok with rakes of hutches. However, in 1903 a miner was crushed by such a rake while v/allcing up the main dock at Hayscraigs mine at Broxburn. ^ ^ Another miner was killed(468) Caldwell, op. cit. (1912), pp. 128-30.(469) Inspector, of Mines Report, 1885, PP 1886, Vol. XVI,p. 122.(470) West Lothian Courier. 16.10.1903.555in 1911 by hutches in the main dock at Newliston mine. Atthe Fatal Accident Inquiry it was stated that a separatetravelling road was provided for the men walking into andout of the mine. Due to water, it had a bad footing. Theroof, at 6 feet, was held to be adequate, although it wasconceded that some crowns (crosspieces supporting the roof)were low. On the other hand the dook brae was about 11feet high and provided a smoother walking surface. Theoversman admitted that there was a 'good advantage* in timein walking the haulage road and that it was cooler. Healso conceded tliat in the travelling road some men mightrequire to 'bend a little * . ^Uneven conditions underfoot were also mentioned in acontested case under the Workmens' Compensation Act in 1909.An oncostman who had suffered a knee injury claimed that theafter effects rendered it impossible for him to work under-(472)ground because of the rough ground underfootMiners were also in danger from runaway hutches particularly when working in sinking dooks, i.e. at the working face at the bottom of an incline being driven in a shale seam. It % s not uncommon for several levels to be worked leading off such an incline and for loaded hutches from these levels to be taken to the surface along the incline. In evidence to the Royal Commission on Mining the(471) SRO, SC41/13/1, Fatal Accident Inquiry into the death of John Hamilton.(472) SRO, SC39/64/8, C56/1910, William Moorhead v Young's Paraffin Light & Mineral Oil Co. Ltd.556Shale Miners' agent suggested that safety points be mademandatory in such circumstances. These would take runawayseei(474) ‘away from men working at the dook face. A man had b nkilled the previous year at Pumpherston by such a runaway A similar accident had occurred at Oakbank in 1898 - a miner was killed in the dook when 'full hutches broke away on the incline and before he could get out of their way they were upon bjja, ; (^ 75)Self acting inclines also involved danger to the miners. At Hopetoun mine in 1907, a cuddy brae rope broke and a miner tried to lower a full hutch by hand. He was overwhelmed and k i l l e d . I n 1899 at Roman Camp mine a drawer was killed when a loaded hutch ran back on a cuddy brae,^ *^^ ^^ and 11.same place in 1905 another died wliile attempting to put a cuddy back on its rails.During the years 1879 to 1911 , 211 men were killed in shale mines. However, statistics were provided for only part of this period in respect of non-fatal accidents. From 1879 to 1893 543 men were injured seriously enough to warrant inclusion in the Reports of the Inspector of Mines. From 1883 information as to the length of incapacity suffered by injured men was provided: between 1883 and 1892 ^ 279 men were(473) Royal Commission on Ihnes, Minutes of Evidence, PP 1908, Vol. XX, p. 516.(474) Inspector of Mines Report, 1905, PP 1906, Vol. XIX, p. 45.(475) West Lothian Courier. 29.1.1898.(476) Inspector of Mines Report, 1907, PP 1908, Vol. XIX, p. 37.(477) Ibid., 1899, PP 1900, Vol. XIV, p. 580.(478) West Lothian Courier. 30.6.1905.557rendered incapable of work for a total of 12,292 days, an average of 44 days per injury. Days lost through injury ranged from two days occasioned by an explosion of gas to 300 days lost due to injuries sustained from the explosion of a shot.The operation of the Workmen's Compensation Act provides additional data. In 1911, some years after its inplementation, 434 Memoranda of Agreement were registered in the Sheriff Courts of Edinburgh and Linlithgow in respect of injuries sustained by shale miners. This indicates that the earlier data may have been distorted by under-reporting of accidents in the Inspectors' Reports. Even the 1911 figures are an underestimate since no Memoranda of Agreement were registered by the Oalibanli and I^lmeny Coiïpanies. The 434 injuries of 1911 malœ it clear that one in ten sustained a more or less serious injury that year.That shale mining was a physically demanding occupation is self-evident. The generally accepted 'darg* or day's work was 3 tons per man and this v/bb regularly exceeded in the years before the Great War. The physical effort of drilling shot holes and in filling loose shale into hutches - v/hich often could not be brought to within yards of the working place - must have been considerable* Pull hutches needed to be pushed out from the place to connect with the mine haulage. That the work was not for the weak is exemplified by tifo incidents. A drawer at Ingleston number 36 mine died in 1911 of internal strain sustained while moving hutches.In his Report the Inspector of Mines described him as a 'light558delicate man and not physically fit for the work . . . the officials and miner should not have allowed him to be so employed. * At Buddings ton mine in 1905 a man died froma haemorrage while he ims assisting in carrying a heavy pieceftso)of machinery. He had previously suffered from tuberculosis) * From the available evidence it is clear that shale mining, while not as dirty as the coal industry, was an uncomfortable, physically arduous and potentially dangerous calling.ii) The Oil WorksIn respect of the Oil Works there is no body of evidence about working conditions like that for mines given in the Reports of the Inspectorate. We are forced to rely on sources such as newspaper reports of accidents, records of Fatal Accident Inquiries, and proceedings under the Workmen's Compensation Acts.With regard to general conditions in oil works we are fortunate to have the reminiscences of 'Paddy the Cope' or Patrick Gallacher, employed at the üphall and Niddry works of Young's Company in the last years of the nineteenth c e n t u r y . ^ On first arriving in Scotland he, together with a friend, sought employment in Uphall works where he stated that *Tlie gas nearly smothered Charlie and I.' Apart from the choking effect of the retort and refinery fumes they(479) Inspector of Mines Report, 1911, PP 1912-13, Vol. XLI, p. 78.(480) West Lothian Courier. 4.8.1905.(481) Patrick Gallacher, Mv Story by Paddy the Cope (London, 1939.559were 'black as soot' when they returned to their lodgings.After some time as a bricklayer's labourer, Paddy Gallacher secured a job which involved removing hutches of spent shale from the retorts. This he described as 'very warm work' and was performed by two men, one behind and one before the hutch 'drawing and pushing them out of the gullets to the endless chain which took them up to the tip. ' The work was so warm that they drank half a gallon of water on each spell of work. 'We wore a light pair of trousers, a small navy blue simit with no sleeves, we had a belt or cord round our waist and cords round our legs under our knees to help keep up our trousers'. On their way from work they avoided women because 'the sweat would be running out of our trousers and we feared that the women would think we had wet them.Working about the retorts was obviously hot and dirty; there is strong evidence that it was also dangerous. Table 12.5 is a listing of fatalities in the oil works over the period from 1874 to 1914. It was compiled in part from reports of Fatal Accident Inquiries and the Workmen'ste4)Compensation Act papers held in the Scottish Record Office However, the main source, particularly for the nineteenth century, was press reports of accidents. These were extracted in the course of a search of local newspapers for data on Trade Union activity. This search did not extend to all(482) Ibid.. p. 57.(483) Ibid.. pp. 61-2.(484) SRO, SC 39, Midlothian and SC 41, West Lothian.560Table 12.3 : Fatal Accidents in Oil 'Jorks,1871.-1914.Year Name Occupation '.Vorks Cause of Death Source1671- Thonas Nelson Oakbank Overcome by fumes while V/LC 18.1.74cleaning tank1079 J^es.Gainer(30) Refiner Uphall Explosion of gas ignited WLC 20.9.79Simon Kerr(l5) Labourer " by fitter using a hotJohn Dunlop(23) Labourer ” iron on an oil pipe,IS8O John Purdie Messenger Oakbank Riding on hutoh.Fell off. V.TLC 21.7.80i860 Thomas O'Brien Fireman Uphall Uncoupling V/agons ÏÏLC 2 .1 1 .8 0l38l Alex.Kiggins(35) Retortman Broxburn Fell from retort platform.ULC II.6.81No railing. Drunk.1683 David Bisset(il)1883 James Lyons1883 Bernard Conner(l5) 7/agonGreaser1885 Not Known IS85 James ScottBroxburn Caught in engine while oiling sameAddie- Fell into pond of hotwell water" Killed while greasingwagonPumpher- Fell between wagonsston being shuntedV/LC 10.3.53 ÏÏLC 1.9.83 Lie 13.10.63 \TLC 6.6.85" Crushed by boiler being ÏÏLC 19.12.85seated1886 John Dobbina(35) Labourer Dalmeny Buried in fall of S/ammon.WLC 20,2.861889 John McVicar(ll) Deans Bumedi in vat of ammonia WLC I2.l0.8l1890 Edward Dempsey(50) Fireman Pumpher- Boiler explosion HiC 8.3.90John Scott(27) Fireman ston Andrew Taylor(15) Foreman1891 J&s.McWilliam 1891 Patrick WelshForeman Niddry Fell from retortsShunter Addie- Run over by wagonwellLGWLC 7.2.911892 James Sweenie(73) Labourer1893 John West 1896 John Boyle1898 Patrick McCarron1899 John Prior(l9)1899 Kerr1899 David Smart1902 Magnus PearsonRun over by hutch 71C 23.1 .9 2 WLC 11.2.93 V/LC 9.5.96Engineer R.Camp Shunting accidentRetortman Uphall Run over by hutch ingullet holeUphall Killed at shale crusher LG 22.10.98Oakbank Fell into shale hoist - LG 11.3.99P'ston Explosion WLC 11.1.99Foreman Linlith Fire at Paraffin Sheds LG 20.5.99gowSngineman Dalmeny Clothing caught in engine WLC 1.1.021905 Robert McQuillan Labourer Middry ElectrocutedCastle1905 George Denholm(27)1909 James Boyle(50) Boiler- James Kavanagh(i5) makers1910 Thomas Scott Foreman1911 William CrawfordI9l1 William McMillan Dropper 1911 Charles RennieP'ston Killed by hutch Oakbank Fire in StillP'ston Still fire Broxburn Caught in retort fanPumpher- Killed in refienery stonWLC 21.11.05WLC 7.7.05 LE 7.1.09SC39/61/6 F0 .7 7FAI 10.1.1911 SCI1/13/16C39/6i/6 F0.9923C39/6i/61911 John Mackie 1911 David Paterson l9ll JTilliam PurvesStillFiremanForemanForemanBroxburn Accident at condensers SCI1/36/ISeafield Arsenic Poisoning FAI 2C.i0.llsen/l 3/3Seafield Killed by hutch wheels FAISCI1/ 13/3oourcss: WLC - West Lothian Courier ; LG - Linlithgowshire Gazette ;^ “ Lothians Express ; FAI - Fatal Accident Enquiry ; SC - Sheriff Court Records in Scottish Record Office;- SC39 - Midlothian,SCll - West Lothian.561local newspapers in every year of the period under consideration. Indeed for some years the examination was cursory*It must therefore he conceded that there is every likelihood that Table 12.3 does not fully represent! the fatal accident record of the industry.Table 12.3 identifies 38 men killed in the oil works between 1874 and 1914. On two occasions three men were killed in explosions, one involving a steam boiler and the other the careless ignition of oil in a storage vessel. There were five accidents involving hutches and this underlines the dangers inherent in the movement and treatment by mechanical means of large quantities of minerals, Tvro men were killed by falling from retort platforms and in both cases the absence of railings was commented on in reports* These platforms were over 20 feet above ground and it is clear that safety was not a paramount consideration in the design of production equipment.In 191^ b|1nemoranda of agreement in respect of injuries to oil workers were presented at the Sheriff Courts of Edinburgh and Linlithgow. In most cases there is insufficient information to identify the precise locus of the accident but the injuries included broken bones, bums and scalds, lacerations, bruises and sprains. Many involved the amputation of fingers, toes or even limbs. The oil works may, therefore, well be regarded as an example of the application of mechanical power to industrial processes without regulation to secure safe operation.VOLUME 4 of 5Chapters 13 to 15THE SOCIAL HISTORY QE THE SCOTTISH SHALE OIL INDUSTRY1850 - 1914John Henderson McKayDoctor of Philosophy The Open University 1984* //A562PART IV: REACTIONSCHAPTER 13 SICKNESS, INJURY AND DEATHIt is clear that the shale industry brought to the Almond Valley the benefits of regular wages for many working people and their families. In some instances wages were higher than levels of remuneration previously available in the jarea and it is also true that wages in the shale area rose substantially in the forty years or so before 1914.The capitalist mode of production, however, can exercise less favourable influences upon its workers, including the exploitation of some workers by low wages. Less obvious but important was exploitation by traders, through the adulteration of foodstuffs and by unreasonable prices. Most working-class families were always conscious of the dire effects of any incapacity through illness or accident to the breadwinner, identified as a major cause of poverty among working people. The Poor Law Commissioners • statistics 1842-46 demonstrate that over 40 per cent of those on outdoor relief were in that position because of sickness or a c c i d e n t . M r s . Pember Reeves identified the same problem early in the twentieth century.The state only assumed minimal responsibility in such(1) Michael E. Rose, The Relief of Povertv. 1834-1914 (London, 1972), p. 18. ...(2) Maud Pémber-Reeves, Round About a Pound a Week (London, 1979), pp. 196-198.563matters towards the end of the nineteenth century and formost of the period workmen were left to their own devices indealing with problems of unemployment and sickness.'Nothing is more characteristic of Victorian working-classlife, and harder for us to imagine today, than this virtuallytotal absence of social security'The incidence of such calamities in the shale industryis not well documented but a few examples have been recorded.In 1873 the general dovmtum of activity in the industry ledto the complete stoppage of the Starlaw works of the UphallMineral Oil Company and the redundancy of 150 men at the sameconpany's Uphall w o r k s . I n 1891 at Addiewell over fifty(5)men were reported to be absent from work due to influenza.The same illness was prevalent in 1893 at Kingscavil and there was «scarcely a house but v/hat some person is suffering from it (influenza)'Working people made provision in various ways for such situations, though we should note that the oil companies did give some assistance to individuals when sick or injured. Deductions of 2 or 3 pence per week from each man's wage secured the services of a doctor nominated by the employer. This was a source of some friction between conpanies and employees, \dio felt that they should have some say in the(3) E.J. Hobsbawn, Industrv and Empire (Pelican Edition, London, 1969), p. j%,(4) West Lothian Courier. 6.12.1873.(5) Ibid.. 28.11.1891.(6) Ibid.. 9.12.1893.Cafi 564choice of physician. During the long strike in 1887 theissue was raised in the local press by a correspondentsigning himself *A Lover of Liberty*, who has been identifiedas John McGough, one of the strike leaders. He claimed thatthe men had to pay for the doctor whether or not they made useof his services. Many families preferred to employ differentdoctors but had to pay the weekly levy for the works doctor aswell.^^^ McGou^ was particularly scathing on the standardof care offered by the works doctor.*A sick man is often carried, or sometimes walks home; the doctor is sent for and comes in, stands a fair distance off him and says, "Just keep yourself quiet for two or three weeks in your bed, and take good meat." He never asks you, "Can you get good or bad meat?" He will pass your door next morning, and every morning, and never look in, and if you have the hardihood to ask him in off the street, you affront him. Though we must pay him, he is our master, not our servant, and if an old howdie-wife wants a tooth pulled, he must get a shilling. *In 1891, the men at Addiewell sought to take the employment ofstoi (10)the doctor into their own hands, and in 1899 the Pumpher nCompany faced unrest among its workmen for similar reasons.In addition to the provision of medical services, there is some evidence that oil companies made maintenance payments to men injured in the course of their enployment well before% (7) Ibid.. 30.7.1887.(8) Ibid.. 6.8.1887.(9) Ibid.. 4.7.1891.(10) Ibid.. 5.8.1899.565the Workmen's Coii^ensation legislation of the late nineteenth century. Charles Ferguson, who vms seriously injured in an explosion at Addiewell works was paid 5 shillings per week (£0.25) by Young's Company for ten months after the accident. Such limited provision could not have extended to sickness unrelated to a man's employment. In respect of this shale workers, like most others, depended on their ovm. efforts.So provision for sickness was sometimes made by individuals or in combination with fellow workers.i) SAVINGS BANKSSavings banks can undoubtedly be regarded as aids to inviduals in their efforts to provide for possible adversity. There were three such banks in the Broxburn and Uphall area.In 1884 it was reported that the 75 members of the Uphall Band of Hope and Savings Bank had saved over £20 in its first year.(^^) In 1885 there was opened in the Broxburn premises of the British Linen Company 'a savings bank for the receipt of small sums from the working classes.' The directors included Robert Bell and Norman Henderson, chairman and general manager respectively, of the Broxburn Oil Company.'By 1888, the sum of £541 was held to the credit of depositors, an increase of £303 over the previous twelve months.Three years later in 1891, another savings bank established in connection with St. Nicholas Church.(11) Ibid.. 25.7.1874.(12) Ibid.. 12.4.1884.(13) Ibid.. 28.3.1885.(14) Ibid.. 24.3.1888.0 \V>4566The Penny Savings Banlc at Addiewell is much better documented than those at Broxburn, The local newpaper - the West Lothian Courier - frequently carried short reports of its weekly business in the years from 1892 to 1894, The bank was established on 20th March 1 8 7 5 , and in the period up to 20th November of that year 172 depositors in 3,872 transactions deposited over £356 and withdrew £40. £262 wastransferred to the National Security Savings Bank of Glasgow, In 1879 it was reported that in the four years since its commencement the bank had received deposits totalling £2,139 involving 14,442 transactions. In the year ended20th November 1892, the bank received deposits of £355 and repaid £ 6 6 , In the year ended 20th November 1893, deposits totalled £394 and withdrawals £39.^^^^ Although there is no evidence of the total funds accumulated at any given time, it is clear from three available annual reports that deposits exceeded withdrawals by substantial amounts.In each of the three years for which evidence is available, the surplus was around £300* There were 172 depositors in 1876 but unfortunately this item of information was not recorded subsequently. However, it is clear that a substantial number of individuals were able to use personal saving to(15) Ibid.. 12.7.1876.(16) Ibid.(17) Ibid.. 1.3.1879.(18) Ibid.. 3.12.1892.(19) Ibid.. 9.12.1893.567provide in some way for the 'rainy days' inherent in a capitalist society.Families of men prevented from working by sicloiess or injury or of men killed in accidents often received assistance from fellow workmen, A common practice in the shale area was the promotion of concerts in aid of families in need. There are frequent references to such events in the local press. Major J.P. Cleghome, the headmaster of Broxburn school, at a benefit concert organised by the Broxburn Public Band for a member who had not worked for two years, said that it was 'a grand characteristic of the Broxburn community that any deserving case of suffering among their fellow creatures was taken up by some one or other and never was an appeal made in vain. Subscription funds were also common. Thatsubscribed for the widows and orphans of the men killed at Starlav; in 1870 totalled over £500.^^^^ii) FRIENDLY SOCIETIESThe more formal arrangements for mutual assistance included friendly societies, and these can be divided into two groups: those registered under the Friendly Societies Acts;and local unregistered societies. The principal benefit of registration was that in conferred on a society the right to sue and be sued. It has been pointed out that in Scotland the public prosecutor gave protection against defaulting(20) Ibid.. 18.4,1902.(21) Airdrie and Coatbridge Advertiser. 7.5*1870.568officers and that registration v/as not really necessary.After 1875, registered societies were required to submit annual returns and valuations every five years. It is not surprising ^ therefore, that the majority of the local societies in the shale area were unregistered. In fact the members of one of the three registered societies objected to the rendering of returns and valuations and requested cancellation of their registration, which was however refused.Local societies were normally associated with a particular works or oil company, the exceptions being the Broxburn Yearly Society (which served the whole village and also the neighbouring village of Winchburgh), the Mid Calder Yearly Society (which had members in Punpherston, East Calder and Oakbank as well as in M d Calder), and the Thistle Lodge,West Calder Friendly Society.In all there is evidence of the existence of at least 18 local friendly societies in the shale area, three being registered under the Friendly Societies Acts. The societies are listed in Table 13.1, which also indicates the period of activity of each society. Tliis has been determined by giving the earliest and latest dates at vAiich references to a society have been found.(22) P.H.J.H. CSosden, Self Help (London, 1973), p. 68.(23) SRO, Broxburn Shale Oil and Coal Works Friendly Society, FS 13/43.Cr^ ,569Table 13.1: Friendly Societies in the Shale Area Communitiesup to 1914.Name of SocietyAddiewell Friendly Addiewell Sick & Funeral Addiewell Chemical Works Friendly Broxburn Yearly Broxburn Workmens Yearly Sick and Benefit Broxburn Shale Oil and Coal Works Charapfleurie & Ochiltree Deans Friendly Holmes Friendly î'îid Calder Friendly Oakbank Miiaing Department Friendly Oakbank Wortoens Friendly Philpstoun Friendly Pun^herston Friendly Seafield Friendly uphslx Yearly West Calder Sick Deposit & Funeral West Calder Thistle Lodge FriendlyPeriod of Whether If/heldierknown activity dividing register1880-1894 Yes No1876-1908 Yes No1886-1894 Yes No1888-1899 Yes No1889-1894 Yes No1870-1920 No Yes1886-1902 No Yes1903-1905 Yes No1894 Not Khov/n No'1897-1906 Yes No1906 No No1897-1908 Yes No1887-1896 Yes No1895 Not Knom No1897-1908 Yes No1905 Yes No1892-1908 Yes NoNo YesSources: SRO, FS1-14 Files of defunct Friendly Societies:newspaper reports of the activities of unregistered societies.11 of the 18 societies in Table 13-1 were yearly •dividing* societies in which at the end of twelve months, the surplus remaining after payment of benefits was divided equally among the paid up members- The attraction of this type of society is one more reason for non-registration, for dividing societies were excluded from registration under the Friendly Society legislation.570The performance of the local societies was necessarily somewhat erratic. In periods with a high level of sickness or death funds could very easily be exhausted. In these circumstances benefits were suspended or a levy was in^osed on m e m b e r s . F u n d s of unregistered societies were also at risk from embezzlement by officers. The shale area was in fact singularly free from such defalcations and only one instance has been traced.Some of the local societies had large memberships.The Broxburn Shale Oil and Coal Works Society had 1,004 members in 1911 and paid £977 in sick and funeral benefits. Among the unregistered dividing societies the West Calder Sick Deposit and Funeral Society had 430 members in 1892 and 401 in 1 9 0 7 , The Mid Calder Friendly Society had 644 members in 1 9 0 6 . Available information indicates that the membership of the remaining societies was smaller, ranging from the 80 members of the Oakbank Workmens Society in 1897^^^^ to the 341 of the Addiewell Friendly Society in 1 8 8 2 . It is clear, however, that a substantial number of families enjoyed a certain level of protection from local societies.Some of these local societies served also as deposit or savings clubs, in addition to their primary function as sick(24) Lothians Express. 18.4.1894; West Lothian Courier*12.8.1899: Mid "lothian Advertiiser. 28.4.1906.(25) West Lothian Courier. 16.6.1888.(26) Linlithgowshire Gazette. 10.2.1911*(27) West Lothian Courier. 30.4.1892; Mid Lothian Advertiser.1 3 .4 .1907.(28) Mid Lothian Advertiser. 10.11.1906.(29) West Lothian Courier. 11.9.1897*(30) Ibid.. 15*7*1882.571benefit societies, A few attracted large sums of money.The Uphall Yearly Society in 1905 had deposits of £4,644.^^^^In 1908 the West Calder Sick & Deposit Society accumulated £ 1 , 3 0 0 , Such societies may well have been an important vehicle for short term saving by working people.The grov/th of the shale industry coincided with an extension of the activities of National Societies with affiliated lodges 0# branches. The Ancient Order of Foresters had 394,000 members in 1872. In 1899 there were 666,000.The Salford Unity of Rechabites over the same period grew from 9,000 members to 1 3 6 , 0 0 0 . The shale workers played their part in this phenomenal growth. A list of Registered ^ Societies with branches in the shale area is at Table 13*2.The earliest branch to be established in the area was that of the Free Gardeners at West Calder in 1867, followed by theForresters at Mid and West Calder in 1873. By 1902 therewere 25 branches of the various orders in the shale communities.The affiliated orders are much better documented than the unregistered local societies. In addition to press reports of their activities, the files of the Assistant Registrar of Friendly Societies are available for inspection. TheAnnual Reports of the Chief Registrar provide data on membership and f u n d s . T h e progress of the National Societies> (31) Ibid.. 19.5.1905.(32) I4id Lothian Advertiser. 2.5.1908.(33) Gosden, op. cit.. p. 104.(34) Scottish Record Office (SRO), West Register House, Edinburgh, Repertory FS.(35) Annual Reports of the Chief Registrar of Friendly Societies.labls i3.2r N-itional'Friendly Societies îTith Branches in the Shale Area.Society and Branch Year of foundation Members1905Funds(lv) Members1910?unds(j:)Loyal Order ofAncient Shepherds'.'id Calder U phall "(est Calder Broxburn TTinchfaurJïh186712871888i89éAncient Order of Foresters'Jest Calder Mid Calder Broxburn187518751885Independent Order of Rechabites(Salford Unity)BroxburnU phallMid CaldertTest CalderPumpherstonPhilpstounSeafieldAddiewellTfinchburghLivingstonFree GaraenersMid Calder Broxburn ^es“ Caller188118951897 1899189819021902189518791875205i571787157591111l5l2875952855015515577505271852275152Dissolved1281,519799555221855,1521,252 1,005 1,5515,829151151715897"5153001901Ancient Free GardenersBroxburn ^89551511175955755157581,78511918811375057379118255280551 ,28020A151555382,253 1,255 700 58 1151,3151,5081,0793,3115,998291751 211157595157Scottish MechanicsBroxburn 1889 90 525 88 581Irish National ForestersWest Calder 188lBroxburn 1885East Calder 1892St.Andrew's Catholic and Total Abstinence SocietyWest Calder 1905Broxburn 1900East Calder 1901vrinchburgh15589905111S1119253553,3711511272 5 1522359238. 135iO9,53077195119391205375551197355,1231311025057557 1 22581879315,215Source Menbersiiip and financial details/905 and 19l 0 from Reports of the Chief Registrar of Friendly Societies,1905,PP" 1907,LZdX,pp.235-75 ;19i 0,PP191 2/l 3 LXZGCU,pp. 1 25 -70: 'Jest Lothian Courier .■1-57^in the shale area is apparent from the Annual Reports of 1905 and 1910. In 1905, 25 branches had 3,571 members and funds totalling £9,360. By 1910 membership had risen to 5,463 and funds to £13,245.The benefits of membership were payment for medical attention, siclmess benefit, and death benefit. These were the basic provisions common to all societies and in some cases additional benefits were available. The Ancient Order of Foresters provided for old age and for the maintenance of members travelling in search of employment and for the relief of' maintenance of the orphan children of members, Mostof the national orders provided at least some of these additional benefits but the local societies, particularly the dividing ones, were restricted to the basic provision. The benefits and subscriptions of the various societies, so far as they are known, are summarised in Table 13.3. The local societies required subscriptions of around 3d per week, often with an entry fee of Is. This provided medical attention, sick aliment, generally on a declining scale over time, and death payments. The branches of the national orders offered a greater variety of benefits and contribution scales, those of the Rechabites, given in Table 13.3, perhaps being typical. The benefits, even of the national orders, were not large and it is probable that families found it difficult to make do with(36) Ibid., 1905, PP 1907, LXXÏX, pp. 235-276; 1910, PP 1912-13,LXXXII, pp. 125-289.(37) Ibid., 1910, PP 1912-13, p. 531.Table 13.3: Subscriptions and Benefits574Society Entry Subscription FeeSicknes:BenefitFuneralBenefitAddievfell ’Chemical Tdcs.AddiewellSick&Funeral1 sMid Calder YearlyBroxburn Shale 1s Oil and Coal V/'orksAncient Order of Foresters BroxburnScottish MechanicsChampfleurie & 1s Ochiltree WorksFree Gardeners 5s West Calder7d per fortnight ,6d if unmarried3d pw1 s per month1 s 6d per month2d pw(up to 6d pw if thought . necessary by committee)1 s per monthLoyal Order of 2s6d 6d to 8d pwAncient Shepherds U phallIrish National 5s at 18 4.-&d pvr at 1 8Foresters to toTfest Calder 1 2séd at od pw at 4.0 40Rechabites4 s 1st week 8s pw for 7 weeks OS pw for next 8 weeks 4 s pw for next 16 weeks or to end of year5 s pw for 13 weeks 3 s pw for next 13 weeks 1 s6d pw to end of year7 s pw for 13 weeks 5s3d pw for next 13 weeks 3 sod pw for next 13 weeks 2s6d pw until better1 Os pw for 1 2 months3d per month plus for each share 3d per month at age i5 to éd per month at age 50 (sick fund) and 1-^ d per month at age i5 to 3-&d per month at age 50 (funeral fund)9 s pw for 3 months 6s pw for next 3 months3s pw for next 6 monthsthen at discretion of committee.6 s pw for 3 months 3s pw for next 3 months 1 s6d thereafter1 2s pw for 26 weeks 6 s pvf for next 6 months5 s pw for rest of illness1 0 s pw for 6 months 6 s pw for next 6 months 4 s pw thereafter2s6d pw during sicknessa member may hold up to 6 shares£3 member or wife £l-£2children£ 3 member or wife Children £ 2.1 Os age £l .1 Os age £0.1 Os age£ 1 0 male £ 7 female1 0 - 15 5-1 0 0-5£ 8 member £ 6 mfe £ 2.1 Os second wife£ 4 member £ 4 wife Children £1 .lOs - £2.1 Os Stillborn l5s£ 3 member £3 wife Children £l to £ 1 .1 Os£ 12 member £1 0 wife£ 1 0 member £6 wife£ 5 a member may hold up to 6 shares^75only 7 or 8 shillings per week. There is, however, some slight evidence that a number of shale workers were members of more than one society. A number of names appear in the management committees of more than one of the West Calder societies in the closing decades of the nineteenth century.In 1909 the teenage son of James Boyle, a workman killed at Oalcbank works, wrote to the Sheriff Clerk pleading for the early settlement of the compensation case because #our income is not that great to enable us to live for the past six weeks since the accident, were it not for a few pounds we received from two friendly s o c i e t i e s . S i m i l a r l y the widow of John Mackie in 1911 received £3 from each of two societies.In 1910 William Moorhead, while recovering from injuries sustained in an accident in a West Calder mine, received weekly payments from two friendly societies.In 1910 over 5,000 individuals were members of the national orders alone. The membership of the smaller local societies cannot be so precisely estimated but it is clear that, even allowing for an element of duplicate membership, a substantial proportion of households in the shale area enjoyed the protection of the Friendly Societies. It is unlikely that all households were covered. The subscription to even the most modest of the societies might v/ell have been too great a burden on the families identified earlier as existing at or below the margin of subsistence.(38) Memorandum of Agreement, Boyle v Oakbank Oil Co. Ltd.,SRO, SC39/64/5, B759/1909»(39) Memorandum of Agreement, Mackie v Broxburn Oil Go. Ltd., SRO, SC41/36/4.(40) Memorandum of Agreement, Moorhead v Young^s Paraffin Light & Mineral Oil Co. Ltd., SRO, SC39/64/8, C56/1910.576ill) COMPENSATION FOR INJURY AND DEATHThe Friendly societies provided help for workmen disabled "Wbrough sickness and injuries sustained at work, though men injured in industrial accidents or the families of men killed were sometimes able to rely on the benevolence of enqoloyers or on subscriptions from among their fellow workmen. £500 was raised in this way for the families of the victims of the Starlaw mine fire. ^ However, formal compensationfor injuries and deaths resulting from industrial accidents for most of the nineteenth century depended on action at common law. Success depended on proof of personal negligence on the part of the employer and actions were often inhibited by the legal concept of * Volent e non fit injuria*, i.e. where a workman, * appreciating the risks he is running, (he) agrees expressly or by implication to accept that risk* Actionswere also susceptible to defence by idie employer on the grounds of contributory negligence by the employee or of negligence by another employee.Actions at common law could take several years to reach a conclusion and a seriously injured man, dependent on the support of friends or relatives, might have had to face the possibility of failure and the burden of two sets of costs.The case of Charles Ferguson is certainly not typical in that the plaintiff was successful but it does indicate the condider^ able difficulties faced by workmen in securing compensation for(41) Airdrie and Coatbridge Advertiser. 23.4.1870; West Eothian dourier# &/TS.i867.(42) Report of the Departmental Committee appointed to enquire into the system of Compensation for Injuries to Workmen (Departmental Committee, 1920), PP 1920, XXVI, p.5*577injuries. In 1870, Ferguson sustained very serious injuries, including the loss of his sight, in an explosion at Addiewell works. His employer, Young*s Paraffin Light and Mineral Oil Company Ltd., made him an allowance of 5s (25p) per week for some ten months after the accident, although at the same time 2s (lOp) was deducted from his son's wage for house rent.The payment ceased when Ferguson rejected an offer of £25 as compensation. This seems to have been the normal practice in such cases. At any rate there are other instances of its occurrence. There can be no doubt that it faced the injured workman with a difficult decision, i.e. whether to accept the employer's offer or take the risk of court action. Ferguson's case eventually came before the Edinburgh Sheriff Court in July 1874, i.e. four years after the accident and over three years after the offer of £25 was rejected. He sued for £1,000. During the hearing a further offer of £150 was made and accepted, al#iough the jury was reluctant to return a verdict for that amount, idie foreman asking the court, 'if the jury were obliged to return a verdict for that amount'In 1880 the Employers* Liability Act imposed on employers liability for accidents causing injury or death and brought about by defects in works plant or machinery, due to the master's negligence or negligently left unremedied by him, or by the negligence of fellow employees entrusted with duties of supervision. In 1920 the Departmental Committee on Compensation for Injuries to Workmen considered that the Act(43) West Lothian Courier, 25.7*1874.578had not been successful In 'providing a certain and easy means of obtaining compensation for injury or death from industrial a c c i d e n t s N e g l i g e n c e remained difficult to prove and in 1882 it was ruled that an employee could validly be held to have contracted out of the Act's provisions and to have accepted any dangers existing at his workplace. 'Volente non fit injuria' obtained by agreement between the employer and the workman.However contemporary Scottish legal opinion was that the Act had been beneficial in 'taking a%my the defence of common employment and working in the face of a known danger*. It had also 'introduced a large number of cases into court that otherwise would never have been heard of'.^^^^ It was also claimed that 'no act of recent years has been so prolific of litigation'. In 1886 and 1887 , 331 cases were heard inEnglish courts. Compensation of £56,755 was claimed and £11,460 was awarded. At the same time the Scottish Sheriff Courts dealt with 212 cases in which £59,888 was claimed and £1,999 a w a r d e d . T h e low level of compensation awarded in Scotland is explained, in part at least, by the fact that many cases were settled extra-judicially and the agreed amounts did not appear in the statistics. #iis defect in the statistics is reflected in available records of cases under(44) Departmental Committee, 1920, PP 1920, XXVI, p. 6.(45) Ibid.(46) Scottish Law Review. Vol. I (1885), p. 7.(47) Ibid.. p. 76.(48) Ibid.. Vol. IV (1(888), p. 203.579the Act in Scotland. Most cases were taken in the Sheriff Courts and the Registers of Decreets contain abstracts only of cases decided by the Sheriff or Sheriff-Substitute. Casessettled by agreement after commencement of an action were not included, nor were those sent for trial by the Sheriff and a jury. The same is true of cases reported in the Scottish Law Review and Sheriff Court Reports. There is therefore no way of listing all actions brought under the Act by shale miners and oil workers.The Qy&ii.able evidence - mainly newspaper reports - suggests that many cases involving the shale industry were settled by agreement. Altogether press reports of seventeen cases heard between 1881 and 1900 were found. Nine were settled out of court. Of the eight cases decided by the courts, six verdicts were given in favour of the defendants, i.e. the employers, and only two for the plaintiffs. Consideration of individual cases \ r l l l indicate the difficulties experienced by injured workmen in obtaining compensation even with the help of the new legislation.In 1881 the widow of James McAvoy, who had been killed by a runaway hutch, sued his employer. Young's Paraffin Light and Mineral Oil Company Ltd., for damages of £1,000 at common law, or £300 under the Employers' Liability Act. The company denied liability claiming that the accident was the fault of McAvoy's fellow workmen. By a majority of 10-2 the jury found for the plaintiff with damages of £240.(49) West Lothian Courier. 31.12.1881.5 8 0James Garrxty in 1883 had lost three fingers of his right hand in the Paraffin freezer House at Addiev/ell. His job was to attend the freezing drum which \wlb 3 ft. in diameter, 9 ft. long and revolved against a knife. A mixture of oil and congealed wax %vas poured over the drum and as it revolved the wax was scraped off by the knife into a trough which could overflow unless the wax was swept away into a hopper. doing this Garrity had lost his fingersand sued for £80 compensation. The Sheriff ruled that the operation was one 'which, \fith ordinary care and diligence may be done by the hand without any danger to the person who does it.'^^^^ and found for the defenders. A similar instance occurred in 1887 when John Wallace sued Young's Company after breaking a leg in an accident at their Bathgate works. Slieriff-Substitute Melville found that Wallace had not proved 'that there was any fault on the part of the defenders,The case of David Baldie v the Hermand Oil Company Ltd. was a straightforward dispute over the safety of his workplace. Baldie was employed to fill hutches with shale sent down by chutes from a higher level and he had been injured by a piece of shale strildng his foot. The Sheriff held that in comparison with other mines the method used was unnecessarily dangerous and awarded £10 plus e x p e n s e s . A g a i n in 1890,(50) Garrity v Young's Paraffin Light & Mineral Oil Co. Ltd., SRO, SC39/6/50, Po. 287-93.(51) Wallace v Young's Paraffin Light & Mineral Oil Co. Ltd., SRO, SC41/15/5, Po. 467-69; Airdrie and Coatbridge Advertiser. 13.8.1887.(52) West Lothian Courier. 10.11.1888, 24.11.1888.ft-v.581James McGiohe was injured by a roof fall in the Balmeny mine.He claimed that the roof was insufficiently propped* The defenders argued that McGiche had had no business to be in that place and this was accepted by the jury.^^^^ Finally, in 1896 Edivard Reynolds v/as killed in a roof fall at pimpherston No 1 mine. His widow's action for compensation failed because the court accepted the employer's argument that Reynolds was a contractor and as such was not subject to the control of their managers.nhese cases indicate the difficulties experienced in proving negligence on the part of employers even with the benefit of the Employers' Liability Act. The case of Garrity v Young's Company also shov/s that machinezy was not effectively protected. Reynolds v Pumpherston Oil Co. Ltd. is important in the context of the shale industry \diere it was normal for productive miners to be employed as contractors and only 'oncost* workers were directly employed by the oil companies.Nine of the seventeen cases traced were settled out of court, generally for sums considerably less than those originally claimed. The widow and daughter of a man killed in a boiler explosion at Pumpherston in 1890 sued for £500 each but settled for £125 as full discharge of both claims.It is clear that the Employers' Liability Act did not entirely redress the previously existing bias against injured(53) West Lothian Courier. 1.3.1890.(54) Ibid.. 29.1.1898.(55) Ibid.. 18.10.1890.5 8 2workmen. The available evidence does indicate, however, that after 1880 actions seeking compensation could be brought with some hope of a successful outcome. The high proportion of actions settled extra-judicially may indicate that the employers took the view that settlement for a small proportion of the amount claimed was preferable to the expense of defending an action against a penniless workman with no prospect of recouping the costs.This prompts consideration of how injured men and the families of men killed in accidents were able to finance legal action; the trade union was naturally involved. In 1887 the miners' agent claimed that, 'In the event of a case going to the Court of Session, wlmt would cost an employer £50; would not cost your members more than 6d each. '^ ^^ ^ This support must have been effective, for the Burntisland and Broxburn Oil Companies introduced contributory compensation schemes.The men were to pay 3d per week to create a fund from which injured men and the relatives of men killed in accidents would be compensated. Payment was conditional on the receipient agreeing to absolve the employer from liability under the Employers' Liability Act. It is also clearthat these employers were sufficiently apprehensive of the operation of the Act as to take steps to frustrate it.Workmen also received assistance from speculative legal agents. The case of Paulds and Gibson v Thomas Donelly is(56) Ibid.. 4.6.1887.(57) Ibid.* 15.12.1888.583instructive. Donelly had sued the Linlithgow Oil Co. Ltd. and after a jury trial had been awarded £10 compensation.After a motion for a new trial the company offered £100 in full settlement, Donelly claimed that the lawyers had taken the case 'on spec', i.e. anticipating that they would be remunerated by an award of costs or out of damages recovered. They had offered Donelly £20 but he insisted on the full £100 and the lawsuit was the r e s u l t . S u c h arrangements seem to have been common. The Departmental Report on Compensation for Injuries noted that there were many actions under the Employers* Liability Act and that there was therefore *a numerous class of speculative law agents . . . canvassing the infirmaries. *(^ ^^The Workmens' Compensation Acts of 1897, 1900 and 1906 introduced a right of conpensation for industrial injuries regardless of any question of negligence. The effect of the new legislation was particularly important to the shale miners. In 1906 the widow of a contractor was awarded £300 damages for the death of her husband who had been killed by a runaway h u t c h . T h i s is in marked contrast to the experience of the %vidow of Edward Reynolds under the Enployers* Liability Act,The new legislation provided for compensation at the rate of half the employee's weekly wage - up to a maximum of(56) Ibid.* 29.5.1886.(59) Departmental Committee into the Law relating to Compensation for Injuries to Workmen (Departmental Committee, 1904), PP 1904, LXXXVIII, p. 762.(60) Mid Œ # Ü a n Advertiser. 26,5.1906.584£1 per week - for periods of disability and for payment of three times annual earnings - with a maximum of £300 - in the case of death. There was provision for continuing payments in cases of permanent disability and such payments could be commuted to lunp sums by agreement. Non-Manual workers earning more than £250 per annum were excluded.The operation of the legislation centred on the Sheriff Courts. An injured workman, or the dependants of a man killed in an accident, could reach agreement with the enployer on the amount of compensation payable. A Memorandum of Agreement was then drawn up and lodged with the Sheriff Court. Where disputes arose it was open to either party to lodge a Memorandum and ask for its registration. It was then for the other party to object and the Sheriff to decide the issue.Table 13.4 gives details of actions under the Employers Liability Act and the Workmens' Condensation Acts from 1902 to 1911 in England and Wales and in Scotland, In 1902 in England and Wales, 1,807 were taken to court under the Worlonens' Compensation Acts and 2,161 Memoranda of Agreement were registered. At the same time 548 cases were dealt with under the Employers' Liability Act. In 1911, 8,120 cases were taken under the Workmens* Compensation Acts and 23,101 Memoranda of Agreement were registered. Only 170 cases were dealt with under the Employers* Liability Act. In Scotland cases taken under the Enployers Liability Act fell from 167 in 1902 to 50 in 1911, while those under the Workmens* Compensation Acts increased from 338 to 1,830. 159 Memoranda of Agreement wereregistered in 1902 and 9,516 in 1911. It is clear that there was a considerable shift towards reliance on the new legislation.585Table 15.4; Proceedings under the Workmens ' Compensation Acts and the Employers* Liability Act (1880), 1902-1911, England and Wales; Scotland.Year Workmens* Compensation Acts Employers* Liability ActCases Heard1897 & 1906 1900Memoranda of Agreement Registered1897 & 19061900Cases HeardEngland and Wales1902 1,8071905 2,0551904 2,4551905 2,/f691906 2,5521907 2,495 8551908 766 5,5581909 521 6,1881910 149 6,6661911 103 8,017Scotland1902 5581905 2511904 2961905 2971906 5701907 552 851908 155 8951909 59 1,1661910 19 1,5141911 5 1,8252,1612,9955,6254,317347161159361521411647640235772164,37420,58018,19720,75422,9406054,6246,0877,4719,510548513598481476393261204162170167151147137155190140925350Source : Statistics of Compensation and of Proceedings under the Workmens ' Compensation Acts and the Engjloyers' Liability Act, 1880. PP 1912-13, LXXV, p. 791.586In Scotland in 1911 the average condensation in cases dealt >rith by the courts was £135; where Memoranda of Agreement were registered the average vras £175. IVhere compensation was by weekly payment the averages were 12s 4d (62p) and 12s lOd (64p) respectively. )Cases dealt with by the courts either through litigation or the registration of Memoranda of Agreement were only a small proportion of claims dealt with under the Acts. In 1911 there was a census in seven major industries of employers making payments of compensation. Returns covering 139,884 employers in shipping, factories, docks, mines, quarries, construction and railways were received including 116,021 from Iteual Indemnity Societies, Insurance Companies and Employers* Associations. Only 5,538 forms were not returned. 4,021 deaths and 419,031 cases of disability were covered by the returns and a total of £3,056,404 ivas paid in condensation.The average in the case of fatalities was £154 and for disability £4.In 1911, 7,305,997 persons were employed in the seven industries. Given an average wage of about 32s (£1.60)^^^ the total wage bill was of the order of £600 million. Compensation paid represented about 0.5 per cent of that amount. The mining industries employed 1,059,642 people and £1,255,223 v/as paid in condensation for injury and death. Taking the(61) Statistics of Compensation etc. under the Workmens* Compensation Acts, PP 1912-13, LXXV, p. 791.(62) A.L. Bov/ley. Wa^es and Incomes Since I860 (Cambride:e. 1937), p. 4 9 . '587average wage in the industry as £1,67^ *^^ ^a wage hill of £92 million is postulated. Compensation represented 1.36 per cent of wages paid, no doubt reflecting the greater risks inherent in mining.In the shale area some companies made extensive use of the Sheriff Courts while others did not. The records of Linlithgow Sheriff Court for 1911 contain seven Memoranda of Agreement relating to the Dalmeny Company, three to the Oakbanli Company, 50 to James Ross & Co., 82 to the Broxburn Company, 93 to the Pumpherston Company and 87 to Young's Company.Memoranda of Agreement were concerned with three situations. Some referred to lump sums of up to £300 in respect of a death or in commutation of weekly payments for a continuing disability; others referred to small lump sums in lieu of weekly payments for short periods of disability; the remainder related to weelcly payments in respect of an injury and.in all but a few cases, contained an agreement to terminate the payments on an agreed date. The date of the accident was also given and it is possible, in all but a few cases, to calculate the length of the period of disability and the total amount paid. One can arrive at a close approximation of amounts paid by the four companies in respect of temporary disability and of permanent disability and death.(63) See page 493.(64) Statistics of Condensation etc. PP 1912-13, LXXV, p# 780(65) SRO, Linlithgow Sheriff Court Records, SC41/36/2.588The details of Memoranda of Agreement lodged with Linlithgow Sheriff Court are given in Table 13 •5 • The Broxburn andYoung's Companies employed 3,285 men in their works and mines in the county of Linlithgow and in 1911 made compensation payments of £1,887* Given an average wage of about £70 per year, this was about 0.8 per cent of the wage bill.Payments under the Workmens' Compensation Acts were undoubtedly an important source of help for families of men injured or killed in industrial accidents* Indeed there is evidence that some employers resented the payments on the ground that,together with payments from benefit societies, they often amounted, 'to a weekly sum equal to or exceeding the wages paid prior to the accident, and that consequently there is a strong motive for unnecessarily delaying the return to work. The case of William Moorhead appears to lendsome credence to this point of view. Moorhead was an underground 'oncost' worker at West Mains Pit at West Calder. In August 1909 he sustained leg injuries and his employer,Young's Paraffin Light and Mineral Oil Co. Ltd.,paid him compensation of 15s (75p) per week until I%y 1910 when they petitioned the Edinburgh Sheriff Court for reduction or termination of the payment. Moorhead contested this and in evidence it was stated that he had received benefit from two friendly societies and that he was probably as well off as when at work. The societies bad in fact ceased payments by the time of the court hearing obviously not with Moorhead's(66) Departmental Committee, 1904, PP 1904, LXXXVIII, p. 766.589to0•H§i-oo•HO§CmTj§OA’•HrHq•H§M■POÜCOO NCO■PÜ> toc rH to uo 0 ©•H 0 CO ON -ch UN >5P> O 0 0 T— UN NN oCÜ & o rHw E AC =3 A E CM0 o paA MOS 0 NNo to ■p Ao -p rH c VD MO CM MO ■pc C3 C3 C4j CO ph t u00 O to CM -d" pj"MO Ü oOoG 5g A•H NN-p TdW u c TC 0 CMO o•H o O P3- G ON•P m o 3 O00 •iH AÀ -P A-P •ri 0•H tof 2 GU ©< CO A O2 00o COCOCm CO " A -po 0 trv O o Ü0 MO CM ï o A! to0 o o %a 1—1 CM •H -ps A +5 •HC3 O to AS K O tH •rl-P Ao O rH 0 0CO O *H -P •HO CO A01•HIo‘ §“ ■sto k *• 0tCÆI fm©g©oCO590agreement since it m s stated that there had been recourse to arbitration by one society,In cases where the workman refused to agree to termination of weekly compensation payments, the employers were able to ask the 8ieriff to end them. A number of such applications are recorded in the years from 1398 to 1 9 1 1 , the majority not being contested by the workman. In a very large proportion of cases the payment of compensation was ended by agreement often after relatively short periods. 183 Memoranda of Agreement containing explicit agreement to the termination of compensation were lodged in Linlithgow Sheriff Court in 1911. The longest period of incapacity was 64 weeks and 133 (or 72 per cent) of payments lasted for eight weeks or less; 77 (or 42 per cent) were for four weeks or less* At the same time 116 Memoranda of Agreement in respect of small lump sums in lieu of weekly payments were lodged. Altogether 299 cases of injury were settled by agreement, indicating that the problem of malingering was, in the shale area, not of any great importance.Undoubtedly, in the shale area at any rate, the Workmens' Compensation legislation effectively introduced an element of certainty into the relief of distress caused by injury at work. As such it v/as a considerable supplement to individual and joint efforts of workmen to provide for 'rainy days'. It was also, clearly, a much more certain help in times of trouble than the benevolence of employers which it to a large extent replaced.(67) Memorandum of Agreement, Moorhead v Young's Paraffin Light & Mineral Oil Co. Ltd., SRO 8C39/64/8 G5b/1910.(68) Linlithgow Sheriff Court Records, SRO, SC41/36/1#591CHAPTER 14 CO-OPERATIONBy 1872jWhen the first societies were formed in the shale area, the Co-operative movement had, to a large extent, departed from its early aim of providing an alternative to a capitalist society. Co-operation 'means a union of working men for the improvement of the social circumstances of the class to which they belong . . . it is the working man's lever by which he may rise in the world. Later stillit became apparent that even this limited aspiration toward social inprovement had become circumscribed by competition within the movement, expressed in terms of dividends on purchases.Societies were founded in the two major centres of the industry, West Calder and Broxburn, and also in some of the smaller villages. The first co-operative stores in the shale area were those at Uphall and Oakbank, founded in 1872, followed by Gavieside in 1873, West Calder in 1875, Broxburn in 1879, Holygate in 1888 and Cobbinshaw in 1899.Before the advent of co-operation, the shale settlements, particularly in areas remote from established communities, were, in common with colliery villages elsev/here in Scotland, often served by stores operated by the oil conpanies or by traders acting in association with them.For instance, the village of Addiewell had a 'store' run by William Paterson in premises owned by Young's Paraffin Light(69) The Co-operator* 1866-67, quoted in H. Perkin, The Origins of W A e m !feglish Society. 1780-1880 (London, 1974), poSV.592& Mineral Oil Co. Robert Bell, the Broxburn shalemagnate, along with workmen's housing at the Holygate, was proprietor of a 'store' there operated by James Reid & Co.^ ' ' At the Boghead works of Messrs. Meldrum & Simpson (later the Uphall Mineral Oil Co. Ltd.) the 'store' was owned by the oonpany and run by Thomas Kelly, a g r o c e r . A t North Cobbinshaw the houses associated with the works of Messrs. Mungle & Thornton had a 'store' run by James Thornton, junior.It cannot be asserted positively that such 'stores' were used by enployers to gain a hold over their workmen by encouraging the accumulation of debt. However, it is fairly clear that they had interests in common even where the ownership and management of the 'store* operation (as distinct from the,buildings) was in different hands from the company. In 1885 the Pumpherston Oil Conpany Ltd. prevented the use of their houses as shops by the tenants, in response to conplaints from the shopkeeper of the recognised 'store* leased from the conpany.^^^^Conversely , it cannot be said that the Co-operative movement suffered any actual hindrance from the oil companies. Indeed some societies were actively assisted by the employers. Throughout its entire existence the Gavieside Co-op occupied premises rented first from the West Calder Oil Co. Ltd. and(70) SRO, Valuation Roll, 1866-67, Midlothian, Parish of West Calder, VR108/12.(71) SRO, Valuation Roll, 1865-66, West Lothian, Parish of lîphall, VR122/9.(72) SRO, Valuation Roll, 1869-70, West Lothian, Parish of Bathgate, VR122/12.(75) SRO, Valuation Roll, 1870-71, Midlothian, Parish of West Calder, VR108/16.(74) West Lothian Courier. 9.5.1885.595later from Young's Paraffin Light & Mineral Oil Co. Ltd. The Uphall, Oakbank and Broxburn societies had the patronage, as presidents, of the general managers of the Uphall, Oakbank and Broxburn Oil Conpanies respectively. Only the West Calder society can be said to have been entirely in the hands of the workmen from its inception.The development of individual societies was influenced by the success or failure of oil companies. It ivas inevitable that the cessation of operations at Tarbrax oil works and the South Cobbinshaw mines should result in the winding-up of the associated co-operative societies. There was no alternative employment and 1die villages died with the works and mines.The case of the Uphall and Wcbank societies is not so simple. Both were associated with relatively prosperous oil works but did not themselves prosper, and were both eventually absorbed by the West Calder society. The Oakbanli society was formed in 1872 and in 1885, the first year for which data are avai l a b l e , i t had 188 members and sales totalling £9,555. Table 14.1 gives the sales and membership figures for the five major societies in the shale area from 1885-1915, and shows that the Oakbank society in 1891 had 504 members and sales of £17,124. Although membership remained fairly steady sales declined to under £12,000 in 1905 and the society amalgamated with the West Calder Co-operative Society in 1904. The Uphall society was also founded in 1872 and in 1885 had 169 members and sales of £7,596. In 1885 membership ims 204 and(75) Annual Returns of the Chief Registrar of Friendly Societies from 1885 onwards, available in the National Library of Scotland (NLS) in the series Parliamentary Papers (PP).594sales reached £12,853* In 1893-4 membership declined to just over 100 and sales to well under £4,000. Although a recovery took place in both membership and sales the latter only once reached £9,000 and the society was absorbed by West Calder in 1910.The Holygate Co-operative Society was formed in the aftermath of the shale miners' strike in 1887* In the course of the strike there was a serious dispute betv/een the members and the president, Norman Henderson, the General Manager of the Broxburn Oil Co. Ltd. The members wished to donate a sum of money to the relief fund for the miners and their families but Mr. Henderson, as president, ruled the proposal out of o r d e r . T h e Holygate Co-op was set up in 1888 with office bearers drawn from among the officials of the Broxburn Oil Co. Ltd. It never attained the size of the original Broxburn society and was eventually absorbed by it in 1901.The Gavieside Co-operative Society was never large - in most years there were fewer than 100 members. However it survived in the shadow of the West Calder society until the houses at Gavieside were demolished in the 1930s.The two largest societies were those at West Calder and Broxburn. The West Calder Co-operative Society commenced in 1875 when some 40 of the miners invested their share of the funds of the dissolved union in the venture. The men had fought in 1874 a protracted and only partly successful strike against the reductions in wages vjaioh were imposed throughout(76) Hamilton Advertiser. 12.11,1887*595Scotland. In 1883 there were 484 members and sales totalled £28,155. The Broxburn Co-operative Society commenced trading in 1879 and in 1883 had 412 members and sales of £21,761.By 1913 the West Calder society had 5,728 members and sales of £303,866 while the Broxburn one had 1,549 and £67,628 respectively. In 1883 the total sales of the five societies in the shale area were £72,034 while in 1913 they reached £374,684 - a fivefold increase.By 1913, therefore, the Co-operative movement had secured a very large share of the retail trade of the Almond valley.It is impossible to quantify this precisely, but the total sales in 1913 probably represented about half of the wages paid by the shale oil industry. Of course it cannot be claimed that all of the co-operators in the area were miners or oil workers but they and their families did represent the bulk of the population. So it is likely that a high proportion of sales by co-operative societies were to families involved in the industry and that, in turn, such families made up a very large part of the retail market.The variety of goods supplied also increased over the years. All of the societies commenced by offering grocery itmms only but, with the exception of the Gavieside society, had very soon added bakeries. In 1896 the West Calder society at its three main branches - West Calder, Addiewell and Punpherston - had grocery, drapery, boot and baliery departments. At West Calder and Pumpherston there were fleshing, shoemaking, ironmongery, crockery and dressmaking departments. The central branch at West Calder provided a tailoring service.5.9656tSlSgîllï&l8îîg?IISSI5l8UISIîM2=BBgE8gEM:gRggKR=sgBKKRKgmC ^ — r v A - Tv r . hN f o VG VC v û V£> VG »w VÛ r ^iT..- r\r-ir\vD\o\ocDCC\il, Sp:S|piÈ||Sg c 3 r ^ i T ' v o c D C O C r - r ^ c ^ C ^= G MNCT UN—. h N T T T r . - v r W Dc- UNC" \o(r\^ TT««rv«r\o\r^ ^ ^ Cm ce fV CV CM- CM CMIC _ ^ * r v D L r \ \ o \2LT. ir. ir, m u N i f w o i r w o L N T r m r - c r p ' "llu;SFIC ' . C — • fv! ^ U N L^- r - ^ K > r r K N C V O C M C M C M • -iKg«sigl5SRgSSR»ilRKlw c v h ^ N f \ ' ^ ^ u N f M K N o % f ^ O P V L * ^ î - c - r - r — t - C D C C » c c c c o t —vovsiI » Si gp.ISegs p i P.is lîgj.sis Si g#4 M p- — fvi ^ o C-. C> VC L"'. K N K*» U*» VC VO o o C n CD CO CO o CO c. C'»s H fllS5cl»!“SSSÊî:5ii»gRl»»Êsi1 îK cv>. ^ t — c o v c ^ C N O v o c i c ^ r — r - c > c o r —vT’ ^ C ' C O ! —\ £ > v 5 0 o n * p “\KN Trv£) OCNg - ": p „ £ S K ï S p l i i p p . p . p ï i i i ; g p . p i ë p(m t t t o L ' ^ O ^ D l . ' ^ ^ ^ ■ ^ ^ L ' ^ U ^ * ^ r K ^ K ^ ^ ^ r ^ K ^ K ^ ^ ^ J r ^ K ^ ^ < ^ K ^ K ^ ^ J C V C ^ ' ( ^ ' f M • - • “ ^MK^2 t rJ II PSSB?&’F..ggf:?f^&pcgC5fï?PGgi£ë'3gRSSg;f.I Is u- cvLfN—- p - s i ' v c v c v D v D v r r - r - r ^ c - r - c o r - c c C w C i C C o r - O f - C D r v C D C D O ^1 l„ sgSSIg5gilfîigl«Sï5sEsSSII5fsEii_ |- -SlRS:p;SeSSSS;sRKS5;gEPSEf:p!g5gSÇSSSI II S £ ~ l = I S s l i S £ g K K i p S l p | p p p i îI :I Ev. £££EElrEE£ES£r£EEE££S££RSR£?RR5:.RI !.. SSEIPSSSsIsSsgpEEîïlRÏssISIiis |« S*«ES = Sp"E£ÏSî'|SPEÊSgïr :: si Êl'ftiiviÎPBsiRîgîSSip'ppi.KEpp; Ic 5 ^ ^ — cv <\' CM fv r j fv CM CM fv "«r ^ «ç- ^ tr. l"-, lT\ i r ••; gî riii'iiiiiËigiiiisi'g.giiiRSgiP;iEP: .i597In addition the society had grocery and provision branches at Blackburn I Mid Calder and Hayimod.^^^)It domes as no surprise that these societies were the object of attack by independent traders in the area. In 1886 the West Calder traders combined to set up a bakery to sell bread at cost price to attract trade away from the Co-operative S o c i e t y . I n the closing years of the nineteenth century Scottish butchers were able to prevent co-operative societies from buying foreign cattle at the Glasgow market. This proved to be a 'blessing in disguise as they (the societies) are able to advertise a H their ifares as home beef.*^^^) It v/as also claimed that the competition made the movement stronger than ever.^^^ This is to some extent borne out by the sales figures in Table 14.1 v/hich, overall, shovr a steady increase over the years except for 1887 and 1892-94 which were periods of depression in the oil trade which must have affected sales. The evidence does, however, indicate that the competition was not v/ithout its effects on some at least of the Co-operative Societies.Table 14.2 gives the annual amount of sales per member for each society and for the shale area as a v/hole for the period 1883-1913. It is clear that, while total sales increased seven-fold, the average sales per member declined(77) Anon., West Calder and its Co-operative Society (West Calder, 1%^), Title Page.(78) Ibid.. p. 84.(79) Linlithgowshire Gazette. 14.5.1898.(80) West Lothian Courier. 24.7.1897.598from £54 per amium to £51. In many of the intervening years the average fell below £50 and in three years it was as low as £44, There were similar variations in the performance of the individual societies, Broxburn, in 1885, sold an average of £52 per member but in 1915 achieved only £45. In nine of the intervening years the society's average sales were below £40 per member and in 1909 were only £52. The West Calder society had average sales of £58 in 1885 and £55 in 1913. The average fell below £50 in twelve of the intervening years with a low point of £45 in 1893.Some at least of these variations must have been due to the fall in the prices of basic foodstuffs in the last decades of the nineteenth century. Bowley^ ®*^ ^provides a cost of living index for tie period which is inooiporated in Table 14.2. It is clear that the general variation in average sales per member follows closely the movement of the index. Siis does not, however, explain the differences in performance of the individual societies.The West Calder society v/as probably better placed to withstand competition than the others. Of course it was larger partly due to expansion by the opening of branches in new settlements like Pumpherston. It had also taken over the oil company store at Addiewell in 1895. The society also had a substantial trade involving vans visiting smaller, more remote, settlements associated with the industry. In 1905 there were forty horses engaged in this and in the delivery of(81) A.L* Bowley, Wa^es and Income Since I860. (Cambridge, 1937) p. 30.5990flbo r n o j c\j i n v o m - 4 - o j CM VO ir \>,W53 T-” ^ ^53 ca C7\VO CD C^CM CM o —cfvo 0 < f rO V O •H CQH444 HO-P h5CQOO <73S3 CQ(duCDso HsS4 OCDAU0> <'q\D'-(ninT-fgininocov-cMmc^mcMo^m^-cMmocD mI &'d1 I253 Os ^Tt 0r4 OCd , CO ^COVOVOVO CTVCM K ^ ro m v D C ^C ^O V O O VÛ in T - O M > - 0 CM lAVO r o f o o T“ Üo w irvin4--o c^ crk-î-O 0ra boH :ssj ,iX ^ o O T - c M C M m i r \ K ^ < r v o t > - o c M■P bO O C T \ ( 7 \ C D ( D ( D ( D C O ( D ( J \ ( D ( D ( D C D ( D 0 C D O \ G \ ( r » O \ O M J \ ( T » ( J \ ( J \ G \ O \ ( 7 \ O O h3N §a ^ 4<; "5T - r 4 • •(D §H k Ç:rÇQ5> o ^ c M r o - d - i n v o t>-cD c T \ o - ^ c M m < î - in v o c^cD (T > o r -CM r o ^jQ cd @ 9 0 S $ p c p 5 p c g g ) m c r \ ( 7 \ c 7 \ c r \ c r c c n ( T \ c n o o o o o o o o o o T - T - T - \ - :dcd CD (D C D (D (D (D (D (D (D (D (D (D a ] (D 0 0 C D (D C D O \(J \C 7 » C T \ (J \O \C r & C T » (T \C n O \(T & O \C r \ OCH pH T - T - T - T - T - T - T - T - T - \ - T - T - T - T - T - T - ^ T - T - T - T - T - T - T - T - ^ r - T - ' : - T - T - CQ600As well as providing a much needed service to such communities, these methods ensured for îlshe society a position of near monopoly supplier to a large number of its members and this was doubtless reflected in the average level of sales.On the other hand the Broxburn Co-^ operative Society operated only in Broxburn itself and had to face competition from the large variety of traders listed in lable 5*3^ The Uphall society was in a similar position and over the years exhibited an even greater reduction in average sales per member* Between 1889 and 1909 the average reached £40 on only one occasion and in four years it fell below £30. The lowest point (£27) was reached the year before amalgamation with the West Calder society.Tlie case of the Oakbanlc Co-operative Store Society (also absorbed by West Calder) was rather different. Until 1891 it maintained a high position in terms of membership, sales and average sales. 3hat year, in fact, the average of £56 per member was the highest of all five societies. Subsequently there was a decline in all three indicators of performance until the society was taken over in 1904. The decline cannot be ascribed entirely to *Free Trade* competition. The Oakbank 'store* was actually situated in the small village of East Calder, about half a mile from the hamlet of Oakbank itself* The competition consisted of a small grocer's shop and a country bakery. In the village of Mid Calder there was(82) West Lothian Courier. 13*1.1905*601a similar situation but with the added competition from 1885 of a thriving branch of the West Calder Co-operative S o c i e t y . T a b l e lj^ .1 indicates that over the years the profit margin of the West Calder society was consistently higher than that of either Oakbank or Uphall. This may have been due to more efficient management or to the economies of scale inherent in a larger organisation but there must remain at least a suspicion that the West Calder society indulged in competition with its fellows hy means of high dividends.Such internal competition was the cause of concern both within and outwith the movement. The socialist newspaper, Forward, commented on the unhealthy competition between societies over dividends. In the shale area the firstdividends paid were relatively modest. The Uphall society in 1875 paid 1/8 (8.5p) in the pound,^^^^ In 1874 Oakbank paid 1/5 (6.25p )*^^^^ There was a steep rise in the 1880s and in the 1890s dividends were normally about 5/- to 4/- (15-20p) in the pound. For instance the Broxburn society paid 5/10 (19p) in the pound on several occasions. The West CalderCo-operative Society paid a dividend of lOd (4p) in the pound in its first year and 1/6 (7lp) in its second. Thereafter dividends rose gradually each year until 5/8 (18p) was reached(85) West Calder and its Co-operative Societies, p. 80.(84) Fonvard. 19.1.1907.(85) West Lothian Courier. 26.7.1875#(86) Airdrie and Coatbridjge Advertiser. 4.7*1874.(87) Linlithgowshire Gazette. 29.4,1899; West Lothian Courier, 51 .V.107Ï 2/.7.18^55 27.4.1895; 2/ .10.1894.602in 1893 and-maintained until 1895* The highest dividend seems to have been the 4/- (20p) in the pound paid by the West Calder society in 1902.^^^^The general movement over the years can be deduced from the profit margins given for the various societies in Table 14.1. In 1883 these were all relatively low; West Calder - 14 per cent; Broxburn - 12 per cent; Gavieside - 14 per cent; %hall - 12 per cent and Oakbank - 14 per cent.In 1913 the profit margins of the three societies remaining were : - West Calder - 22 per cent; Broxburn - 19 per cent and Gavieside - 19 per cent.Dividends and prices attracted comment at meetings of members and in the local press. In 1889 it was claimed that co-operative prices were higher by 2& pence in the shilling than local traders and that the dividend ims got at the expense of high p r i c e s I n 1892 a persistent critic of the Broxburn committee complained that the prices charged for butcher meat were higher than those of outside traders. In reply the Chairman said that he himself favoured low prices and small dividends but that 'did not suit the people of Broxburn' Another member^ in 1895, complained that 3/10was a good dividend but that according to the prices charged it should have been d o u b l e . I n 1891 an Addiewell resident(88) West Lothian Courier, 18.4.1902; West Calder and its _Co- ooemtive Societies ^p. 127.(89) West Lothian Courier, 27.4.1889.(90) Ibid., 30.7.1892.(91) Ibid., 26,1.1895.603complained of the quality of goods supplied by the West Calder Co-operative Society and said that their prices exceeded those charged in any other shop or store in the locality. ina leading article on Co-operation in 1896, the editor of the West Lothian Courier stated that dividends were paid out of an increased retail price. 'It is an easy matter paying a dividend of 3/2 (I6p) in the £ if 6/8 (33p) is added to the selling price of goods. * He conceded that Co-operation tended 'to foster thrift amongst a class who know not how to save and far less how to spend' but condemned it because it had done 'much to crush out individual enterprise among the traders of our smaller t o w n s ' T h i s leader was in response to a letter praising the Co-operative movement as a •boon to the working man of the present century'.In a later epistle the same writer claimed that 'As long as I was dealing with Free Traders I v/as always in debt and poverty, not being able to give myself, wife and family the necessaries of life . . . but for ready cash since I joined the Co-operation, I have barely v/hat pays my weeks goods lying in the store. However with that I am content, for both myself and the family are better fed, fairly well clothed, with a few pairs of comfortable blankets for our beds, a thing unknov/n to us when we were leaving our money with the Free Trader. ' Referring to the goods purchased he said 'they are of a better quality than what I ever got or even can purchase(92) Ibid., 26.9.1891.(93) Ibid., 12.9.1896.(94) Ibid.604at the present time from any Free Trader, and I assure you Mr. Editor, they are similar in price as I would pay to the Free T r a d e r * T h e writer was a member of the West Calder Co-operative Society.There is no direct evidence on quality and prices, although in the last decade of the nineteenth century a number of cases of adulteration of foodstuffs, particularly butter and milk, were heard in the Sheriff C o u r t . T h e s e may have had something to do with the decision of the West Calder society to supply milk to its m e m b e r s . T h e r e were also prosecutions relating to unsound meat The only directevidence on price is an account by Patrick Gallacher of the purchase from the Broxburn Co-operative Society of a 'first class suit of blue beaver for two pounds five shillings! You could not get a suit near as good from any private shop for less than two pounds ten.Whatever the ri^ts and wrongs of the various claims regarding prices and dividends it remains true that the Cooperative movement in the Almond valley captured a large part of the retail trade. It must also have supplied goods of a quality and at prices attractive enough to retain its customers and provided through quarterly general meetings a mechanism for open hearing of complaints. By means of the dividend(95) Ibid., 26*9.1896.(96) Ibid.. 9*12.1893; Linlithgowshire Gazette* 26.3*1898; '27771898.(97) West Lothian Courier. 18.6.1892.(98) Ibid.* 9.12.1893; 10*3*1894.(99) Patrick Gallacher, Mv Story* bv Paddv the Cone* (London, 1939), p. 62.605on purchases it provided a means of short term saving for its members, many of whom were unused to money management. In the period immediately before the Great War such dividends must have amounted to about £12-15,000 per quarter. Also in 1913, share capital of £130,000 was held by 7,343 members, an average of £18 per member. The Co-operative Societies were clearly a very important financial institution for working people of the shale area.They were also significant exercises in democracy. From the start the societies were run by committees elected from among the members. It is true that some - the Oakbank and Broxburn societies for instance - came under the influence of the employers, but the most successful, the West Calder Cooperative Society^was run hj the miners from its inception.This society had fiercely contested elections for committee places. At the 21st anniversary odLebrations the managing secretary, himself a former miner and elected treasurer of the society, was able to say that he had served with no less than 125 committee members - a substantial turnover in a fifteen man committee(100) West Lothian Courier. 20.6.1896.606CHAPTER 15 trade UNIONSConsideration of the reactions of working people to industrialisation must include the trade union movement, and the effort of people to exercise some control over their working lives or resist the harsher effects of almost total domination exerted by shale industry employers over miners, oil workers and their families.Throughout our period the trade unions in the shale industry are not well documented. No minutes or other records survive and the main source is the local and national press. The most iorportant newspaper in this context is the West Lothian Courier, published in Bathgate and Broxburn, and available in con^lete runs from 1873 at the British Newspaper Library. From 1900 (with considerable gaps until 1920) copies are available at the paper's Bathgate office. Also important is the Idnlithgowshire Gazette* published at Linlithgow from 1891 and available at the Bo'ness Public Library. The MidlothianAdvertiser (formerly the West Calder Reporter). published at West Calder from 1884, is unfortunately only available from 1906 onwards, again at the British Newspaper Library, which also has files of the Lothian Express* published at Broxburn from 1889. Also consulted were the Airdrie and Coatbridge Advertiser# the Hamilton Advertiser* and national papers like the Scotsman* Scottish Leader* and North British Daily Mail* as well as numerous monthly publications such as the Miner and Justice.607The largest group of workers in the industiy were the shale miners and to a large extent the history of trade unionism in the area is that of the shale miners and their links with the main body of mining trade unions in Scotland and the United Kingdom. The first recorded dispute was inÎ - % -1870, when the 'wives of Addiewell and Mossend earned some notoriety by stoning b l a c k l e g s . ^ This was not a wages dispute but arose out of objections to new conditions of service inposed by Young's Paraffin Light & Mineral Oil Co. Ltd. These included a ban on lodgers in conpany houses except with permission and on payment of a fee ; a requirement on the men to give two weeks notice of termination of their enployment; the absolute discretion given to pithead- men and pickers as to material eligible for payment; a requirement on every workman to work ten hours per day for six days per week (five for miners) on pain of instant dismissal and forfeiture of wages; and fortnightly pays with / six days' 'lie time'.^^^^^There was a serious housing shortage in the area and the restriction on lodgers must have been felt by those dependent on relatives for accommodation. The 'lie time', fortnightly pays and two weeks notice were all particularlyoppressive to miners working on piece rates. If a man;I -! encountered a troubled area the employers could require him ^ to work through it for nothing for iip to two weeks. At the(101) Thomas Johnston, A History of the Working Classes in Scotland ( Glasgow, 1929) , p • 344.(102) Airdrie and Coatbridge Advertiser. 28.5.1870;608same time there was no compensation for men laid off because of breakdown in the works.The strike enjoyed the solid support of the Addiewell worlonen. On 17 May 1870 'a great meeting of artisans and miners numbering about two thousand of Èhe hands eoployed at Young's Paraffin Works was held at Breich, by Addiewell^ ^ )A further meeting was held the next day - at which it was resolved not to resume work until the obnoxious rules were a b o l i s h e d . A week later it ivas reported that 'The miners' wives at Addiewell and Mossend turned out, fully 200 strong, and marched in a body to No. 8 pit Mossend, where a number of miners were filling shale* They at once ordered off the men, who bluntly refused, and the women at once commenced to pelt them with stones and bricks. The men were speedily put to flight. The excited amazons then marched in battle array to No. 10 pit and commenced a similar* onslaught on the astonished workmen, vdio at first bravely stood their ground, but at last were obliged to beat an ignominous retreat. The victorious army next marched to No. 7 pit where the men were likewise forced to stop working. At No. 5 pit they were met by Mr. Scott, the manager, who induced them to disperse, on the promise that he would settle with the men. Some days later the strike wassettled by the concession of weekly pays and three days 'lietime*.(•’07)( 103 ) ^(104) Ibid.. 21.5.1870.(105) Ibid.(106) Ibid.. 28.5.1870.(107) Scotsman. 30.5*1870.609It is of interest that in this well supported and relatively successful action there was at least one dissenting voice. A correspondent signing himself 'Brickbat' denied that the women involved were wives of Addiev/ell men or had acted voluntarily. They were the wives of 'a set of roughs v;ho reside at Mossend and the Happy Land} and who in the most of cases were forced to go to the field of battle at the command of their husbands. in factAddiewell probably housed mostly oil workers rather than shale m i n e r s , a n d they, as hourly paid men, were not so badly affected by the new rules as the piece - rate miners who were mostly resident at Mossend and the Happy Land. •Brickbat's' outburst may well have been a product of the isolation of a mining community from the rest of the population. Addiewell was unique in the shale area in that there was virtually complete segregation of miners from other oil workers, although such situations were common in coal mining communities elsewhere in Scotland.The next recorded instance of industrial action was in 1874, a year of considerable importance in the history of trade unions in the Scottish mining industry. The price of coal fell steeply in the first half of the year and wage reductions of up to 40 per cent were proposed by the colliery owners. There were many strikes in the coal fields in the first eight months of 1 8 7 4 . She shale industry was(108) Airdrie and Coatbridge Advertiser. 4.6.1870.(109) Census of Scotland, Enumerators' Books, West Calder Parish, Districts 7 and 8. Only eight miners were enumerated in the village.(110) R. Page-Amot* A Historv of the Scottish Ï4iners (London, 19555,^7 55-7. ----- - ------610also imder some pressure. The number of active concerns fell from 29 in 1870 to 18 in 1874. That the Wend was still downwards is apparent from a further decline to 14 in 1875 and to 8 in 1 8 7 6 . ^ The directors' report to the shareholders of Young's Paraffin Light & Mineral Oil Co. Ltd., the largest firm in the industry^ referred to a fall in sales of burning oil caused by 'unprecedentedly large importations of petroleum into the home and continental markets' and to an increase in production costs due to higher wages. Nevertheless a dividend of 7i per cent was paid - 1 per cent more than in 1873. At the subsequent Annual General Meeting this was linked with a reduction, in costs due to lower wages and cuts in the work force.Although the fall in coal prices was a substantial factor in reducing the cost of oil production and should therefore have lessened the pressure on wages of shale miners, the consequential reductions in coal miners' vrage rates affected those of shale miners. A marked fall in shale consumption - from 600,000 tons in 1870 to 524,000 in 1873 and 362,000 tons in 1 8 7 4 ^ also served to put pressure on wages. At any rate a miners' conference in Glasgow in January 1874 was informed by delegates from West Calder that the wages at one works had been reduced and that •at another work in Broxburn, where a reduction was announced, the association had advised the men to resist and(111) See Table 1.1.(112) West Lothian Courier. 15.6.1874.(113) Ibid.. 20.6.1874.(114) D.R. Steuart, The Chemistry of the Oil Shales, Oil Shales of the Lothians (Glasgow, 1912), p. 139.611a strike had taken place. This is the firstreference to the existence of a trade union in the shale area. In February, the shale miners of Renfrev/shire agreed to work a five-day week to restrict o u t p u t . B y March the employers' attitude had hardened and the men at Oakbank were told that if they persisted in the tactic of 'idle days', they would get 'three months to consider themselves. The Addiewell men were told that if they took Thursday off they would get Friday and Saturday as well. It was also threatened that if they continued to take 'idle days' there would be a reduction of 6d (2*|p) per ton.^^^^^ Some days later the West Calder delegate reported that wages had been reduced by 1/- (5p) except in one pit. Early in Aprilthe Oakbank miners suffered a reduction of 6d (2ip) per ton or 1/3 (6ip) per day. In reporting this the newspaper said that 'the men seem to take it easily' A week laterit was reported that the miners' district committee had decided to call out on strike about 600 men at Niddry and Addiewell.The employers reacted by a threat to eject men from the company h o u s e s , a n d after a few days the majority accepted the reduction and resumed work. The WestCalder men went back reluctantly, reporting to a conference(115) Scotsman. 8.1.1874.(116) Ibid.. 16.2.1874.(117) West Lothian Courier* 14.3.1874.(118) Ibid.(119) Scotsman. 17*3*1874.(120) West Lothian Courier. 4.4.1874*(121) Ibid.. 11.4.1874.(122) Scotsman* 11.4.1874.(123) Ibid.. 13*4.1874; West Lothian Courier. 18.4.1874.612in Glasgow that they would have remained out if the country had been in a position to support them.^^^^)At the end of April a further reduction of 1/- (5p) was announced.^^^^) This was resisted by the miners of Young's Company at West Calder# At the same time there was an abortive strike by the same company's oil workers against the imposition of rules similar to those complained of in 1870. The failure of this action was ascribed by the local press to lack of 'proper organisation among the men.The miners maintained their resistance to the reduction and in mid-fey it was reported that 'some of the men have gone to seek employment at the mines in the west. ' ^The strike lasted for four months and was not well reported in either the local or the national press. The men were evicted from their houses at the beginning of the strike and it is not known v/hat provision they were able to make for their f a m i l i e s . T h e y returned to work at the end ofAugust, accepting an offer by the company which was no doubtinfluenced by the fact that men at Addiewell works had been laid off because of a shortage of s h a l e . T h e agreementby which the strike was ended has several points of interest.It could be said that the men were partial victors. Before the strike, shale miners had been paid 2/- (1 Op) per day(124) Scotsman. 20.4.1874.(125) Ibid.. 25.4.1874.(126) West Lothian Courier. 9*5•1874.(127) Scotsman. 14.5.1874.(128) Ibid.. 24.7*1874.(129) Ibid.. 29*8.1874; West Lothian Courier. 5*9*1874.613less than coal miners. The agreement offered wages 'equal to most and higher than some places in the country'. There was to be no reduction for at least t\m months and no victimisation. 'Blacknebs' who had worked throughout the strike were to be employed in a separate pit to keep them away from men who had been on strike. Tb.e management also promised to 'keep open their place to such of the men as have a fortnight's notice to serve elsewhere, * (^ ) This last is a valuable indication of one method of survival adopted by striking miners. They were able to secure work elsewhere, usually in the coal mines of Lanarkshire. In this instance a number of the West Calder men found work at the Starlaw ; works of the Uphall Mineral Oil Co. Ltd., ^which had been closed in 1873 because of bad t r a d e . I t s re-opening is an indication that the start of the industry's busy season (autumn and winter) may have influenced Young's company in settling the strike. The Starlaw miners themselves struck work at the end of September and secured a wage of 6/- (30p) per day.(^^^)The Shale Miners Association ended the year (1874) with funds amounting to £1,300. In 1873 this was distributed to the members and the union was disbanded. Some members used their share of the funds to found the West Calder Co-operative Society which eventually became the largest retail organisation in the Almond valley.(130) Scotsman. 29.8.1874.(131 ) West Lothian Courier. 3.9.1874.(132) Ibid.. 6.12.1873.(133) Ibid.. 26.9.1874.(134) Anon., West Calder Co-operative Society Ltd. (West Calder, 1853), p.~T.“614Between 1874 and 1886, trade union activity took the form of isolated ad hoc objections to reductions in wages or requests for increases. In August 1879, the Starlaw miners suffered a reduction of 2d per ton. The men agreed to restrict the working day to eight hours in protest. This resulted in a rare instance of physical violence against a man who insisted on working a full day. The men gainedtheir point and in October secured a further 6d (2§p) per day.(^^^^ In November and December of the same year the Broxburn miners struck for four weeks and obtained a similar i n c r e a s e , S t r i k e meetings at Broxburn were attended by delegates from Lanarkshire, Falkirk and West Calder.In 1880 industrial relatinns presented no problems, but shale miners at West Calder and Broxburn demonstrated their linlcs with miners in other areas by supporting strilces in Lanarkshire by collections and levies.The major formative influences on the development of trade unionism in the shale area werethe events of 1886 and 1887 and the men who then came forward to lead the shale miners. The period from 1879 to 1886 v/as one of prosperity in the industry, particularly in the Broxburn area where dividends of 23 per cent were declared year after year by the Broxburn Oil Co. Ltd. New concerns entered the industry in some numbers in the early 1880s. In the summer of 1886 the(133) West Lothian Courier. 9.8.1879.(136) Ibid.. 4.10.1879.(137) Ibid.. 22.11.1879} 13.12.1879.(138) Ibid.. 21.8.1880; 11.9.1880.615men began to agitate for 'some little of the profits of their labour' The unrest began at the Niddry works ofYoung's Paraffin Light & Mineral Oil Co. Ltd. early in May, and took the form of a restriction to eight hours of the working day. The Niddry men were fully aware that they could not succeed without the help of the rest of the shale area, and a mass meeting of some 300 Broxburn miners agreed to the eight hour day to support the Niddry miners*Further agitation took the form of a series of meetings in the main centres of shale oil production, and it was agreed to form a union, to be known as the Linlithgowshire Miners Association. The employers dismissed men who spoke out at the meetings and one of them, John Wilson, became secretary of the union.^^^^ ^ Wilson was only 24 years old and had worked for some years in the Broxburn mines, in v/hich his brother and step-father were also employed. He was of a religious turn of mind and had studied for the ministry.It is said that he became involved in trade union affairs almost by accident. He and another miner, Alexander Kerr, were on their way to a prayer meeting when their attention was drawn to a meeting of miners. Wilson took a prominent part in the ensuing discussion and was informed on the following day that he would no longer be allowed in the conroany's m i n e s . W i l s o n served the shale miners as agent until his death in 1912. His friend Alexander Kerr was treasurer and collector ^ for the union for many years.(139) Ibid.. 22.5.1886.(140) Ibid.(141) Ibid.. 12.6.1886.(142) Ibid.. 12.4,1912.616The formation of the union was not viewed with equanimity by the employers. As we have seen, men were dismissed for speaking out at meetings. The Broxburn Oil Company was also accused of making men work for only 1/6 (7ip) or 2/6 (I2#p) per day v;hile keeping them underground for a full day. The retorts were partly supplied with shale from the bings and the men were given only a limited number of hutches to fill. Men ivho encountered 'troubled* areas of shale were no longer given an allowance for working through such material to the good shale beyond.Miners refusing to work eleven hours per shift found their tonnage rates reduced by 2d per ton. There were also allegations that one or tim hundredweights or even more was deducted from the weight of each hutch of shale sent to the surface.By the end of August the unrest had spread throughout the shale field and the miners embarked on a campaign of mass demonstrations involving general holidays or 'idle days'. The first took place at noon on Thursday 24 September in a field near Pumpherston, and was attended by more than 1,000 men. The only works not represented were Philpstoun,Dalmeny and Champ fleurie. Some men marched to the meetingin large bodies accompanied by bands. The Broxburn and West Calder Brass Bands were present as well as the Blackburn Flute Band. Some marched considerable distances; the Broxburn men must have covered three miles, those from Niddry had two more, while West Calder men had six miles to walk.(143) Ibid.. 12.6.1886.617It was unanimously agreed to press for the eight hour day and for an increase of 6d (2&p) per day. Several speakers, including James Sneddon of West Calder who had played a leading role in the 1874 dispute there, emphasised that the oil companies could afford to meet the men's demands and that they should not be allowed to use coal andironstone miners* wages as a yardstick for the shale(144) miners. ^A further mass meeting was held at the same place the following Thursday. Again the Broxburn and West Calder contingents arrived with their brass bands, and again some 1,000 men attended. It was reported to the meeting that the request for an advance had been refused. 120 Oakbank miners had been locked o#t for taking an 'idle day' to attend the previous week's meeting. It was also reported that miners employed by the Clippens Oil Co. Ltd. at Loanhead had been on strike for eleven weeks against a reduction of 20 per cent. John Wilson advocated a general holiday each week to prosecute their claim. He did not 'believe in strilces, for though in some cases they might be successful, they were the cause of a great deal of misery. ' This policy was approved and the miners also agreed to assist the Oalcbank men until they got work either at Oakbank or some other place. The Clippens men were to be given whatever help was p o s s i b l e . A t the end of October the men's demands were(144) Ibid.. 26.9*1886.(145) Ibid.. 2.10.1886*518conceded at all works except Holmes, Niddry and Newliston.The restrictions were maintained at these places and the advance was secured during November.After such a successful outcome to its first action the main danger facing the union was that miners would lose interest and that the union would fade away as miners' organisations had so often done in the past. However, the men's leaders were fully aware of the dangers of complacency. Early in November 1886, John Wilson warned the miners against losing interest. In December he referred to thedifficulty of obtaining payment from some men of 3d per week subscription. *A man who would not grudge to spend five shillings in a public house would soon put on a sour face when asked for his subscription'. The benefits ofunion membership are exemplified by the case of Samuel Miller, who had been dismissed from a Broxburn mine when he was elected to act as a 'policeman' to see that his fellow miners did not exceed the stipulated working hours. The men agreed to support him until he found other work.^ "^ ^^ ^ This incident also indicates that employers did not wholeheartedly accept the agreement. Before the end of 1886 the mining manager of the Broxburn Oil Company was found in breach of the agreement by delaying the drawing of the men from the mines. ^(146) Ibid.# 30.10,1886.(147) Ibid.. 27.11.1886.(148) Ibid.. 6.11.1886.(149) Ibid.. 4.12.1886.(130) Ibid.. 4.12.1886.(151) Ibid.. 18.12.1886.619The main strength of the new union lay in Broxburn where the works and mines of the Broxburn and Holmes Companies were located, and nearby at Niddry and Uphall those of Young's Company, This was the largest concentration of works in the shale area and it was inevitable that the organisation should be centred there. At West Calder,Young's Company was engaged in running down its mining operations in favour of a new shale field at Newliston near Broxburn, and this placed the West Calder miners in a position of some weakness vis-a-viz their employers.The first meeting of the Broxburn miners in 1887 took place in mid-January and augured well for the union's future. The Public Hall 'was filled to its utmost c a p a c i t y a n d a crowded meeting wholeheartedly supported the chairman and the agent, John Wilson, in appeals for united action to protect and build on the achievements of 1886. Checlu'/eighmen were to be appointed at most of the Broxburn pits and it was agreed to take an 'idle day' in protest at the failure of the company to honour the agreement regarding the drawing of the miners at the end of the shift.There was also some concern regarding earnings.Alexander Kennedy, the mining manager of the Broxburn Oil Co. Ltd., claimed that, since the 2d per ton increase in October 1886, a miner could earn 6/- (30p) or even 7/- (33p) or 8/- (40p). This was disputed by the men. John Wilson pointed(132) Ibid.. 13.1.1887.(133) Ibid.620out that the company's mines were overcrowded and that Kennedy no longer honoured his undertaking to take a full day's production of shale from each miner. He claimed that 'instead of two men getting ten hutches for a day's work, they received from six to eight pins; and in some cases four. He also complained that since the companydeducted a small sum from each miner's wage for the sharpening of tools, the practice of having the mines overcrowded was profitable to employers. Miners also complained that the company made it difficult for them to work properly by practices such as leaving hutches of shale in the mine overnight so that they could not get empty hutches in the morning to enable them to start work, 'Crowing' was also a source of resentment. The company refused to pay for anything other than 'clean' shale. It was alleged that such material - often good shale with only a small proportion of dirt - was sent to the retorts and that the company got 10-12 hundredweights of shale for nothing.The company chose to regard the threat of an 'idle day' as a breach of the agreement and Kennedy threatened a ' looko u t T h i s was approved by the recently formed Scottish Mineral Oil Association. Undeterred, the Broxburnminers were idle on 26 January 1887. Next day they were told that they would only be allowed to enter the mines to lift their 'graith' i.e. tools. This they did. The Broxburn(154) Ibid.« 22.1,1887. 'Pins' were the tallies identifying tEe miners' hutches.(155) Ibid.(156) Scottish Leader. 27.1.1887.(157) Ibid.. 3.2.1887.621men were supported financially by miners in other shale districts. ^ It was claimed that tlie union had funds of£600 and that strike pay of 5/- (25p) per man would be paid. Many men also left the area to seek work else-w h e r e . T h e lock-out ended after two weeks with concessions by the employers. The agreement provided for a general holiday every five weeks; no victimisation; the mining manager and the managing director to make themselves available in cases of dispute between the men and lesser officials; the company accepted that it had too many miners and agreed to dispense with some.^^^^^ The company's decision to settle with the men was almost certainly influenced by the ill effects attendant upon bearing the whole brunt of the dispute at the industry's busiest period of the year.There followed a period of relatively peaceful coexistence between employers and men. Apart from regular complaints regarding 'cleek' and 'deficiency' payments and obstruction of the checWeighmen, nothing of note occurred until June 1887. In April the annual reports of the companies announced profits of £43,000 compared with a record £153,000 the year b e f o r e . I t was in fact the worst performance since 1875, itself a crisis year. The Scottishîilneral Oil Association recommended a reduction of wages of(158) Ibid.. 8.2.1887; 12.2.1887.(159) Airdrie and Coatbridge Advertiser# 12.2.1887-(160) West Lothian Courier. 5-2.1887; Scottish Leader#8 . 2 . 1 8 8 7 -(161 ) West Lothian Courier. 12.2.1887-(162) See Table 2.2.622one sixth for the miners and ten per cent for the other w o r k m e n . M i n e r s and retortmen were determined to resist the reduction although tradesmen and other skilled workmen were apparently content to accept it.Although the decision of the Scottish Mineral Oil Association to reduce wages had been unanimous, some companies for one reason or another could not face an interruption of production. From the start of the dispute the Clippens, Holmes and Oakbank Companies continued at the old rates of pay.^"^®^ The Pumpherston Company, established as recently as 1884, also wished to carry on and offered a compromise rate of 1/10 (9.Ip) per ton, a reduction of only 2d. This was rejected, the miners deciding to hold out for a reduction of only Id. The retortmen, who were excluded from the company's original offer, struck work and joined the miners' union.The dispute at Pumpherston was marked by vigorous action on both sides. To keep the works going the management recruited 'blackneb* labour from the nearby town of Bathgate, with special trains run to the Pumpherston siding.^ ^^ ^^ There was strong opposition from the men and on one occasion it was reported that over 300 pickets were present to meet the train, (^ ^^ ) and *a large body of police are in constant(163) Scotsman. 13.6.1887; 29.6.1887*(164) West Lothian Courier. 23.6.1887; 2.7.1887.(163) Ibid.. 13.8.1887.(166) Ibid.. 16,7.1887.(167) Scotsman. 22.7.1887.(168) West Lothian Courier. 23.7.1887.623attendance at Pumpherston works for the purpose of guarding the blacknebs. * ( ^ ) A miner was arrested and chargedunder the Conspiracy and Protection of Property Act of 1875 for allegedly throwing stones at the train and injuring one of the blacknebs. ( 70 ) the end a direct appeal was madeto the Bathgate men, John Wilson and John HcGough, a Broxburn checJufeighman, addressed a meeting there. To leave nothing to chance, a picket of 200 men v/as mounted at Bathgate the following m o r n i n g . ^ This effectively completed the persuasion of the 'blacknebs* and closed the Pumpherston works .Soon aftenmrds the company repeated its offer of work at half the general reduction and this was accepted by the men, allowing the works to restart on 1st August. The company suffered the displeasure of the Scottish Mineral Oil Association, but it could do nothing, and Pumpherston works operated normally throughout the remainder of the dispute.The rest of the men remained idle, and soon loss of wages began to be felt. In August more than half the men were reported to have found employment elsev/here, there were empty houses in Broxburn, and local merchants complained of dull trade.^ *^^ )^ The Broxburn Co-operative Society later stated that sales foi* July, August and September were domi by 37 per cent on the previous quarter's.^^*^^^ The union(169) Ibid.(170) Ibid.. 30.7.1887.(171) Ibid.(172) Ibid.. 13.8.1887.(173) Ibid.. 29.10.1887624officials had decided to accept no pay for the duration of the strike and also made what arrangements they could for the relief of distress. Union funds were insufficient, so subscription lists were circulated among merchants and others to solicit donations in cash and in kind. ^In mid-August a delegate meeting offered to return towork on the same basis as the Pumpherston men, i.e. at halfthe reduction. The Broxburn clergy, Church of Scotland,Free Church and Catholic, joined together to arrange ameeting bet\feen the men and the Broxburn Con^any*s management.Oct l)ecEUiw2 qudLte cCLeaa? tlsait IdbdLs (aagpûLcyyez' eit; iariy I'a/ke lisicl Dicwrein mind than the simple imposition of a reduction in wages.Ihe general manager, Norman Henderson, stated bluntly thatthe firm would brook no more interference by third parties,clearly a reference to the union since he took the men'sdelegates to task about letters written by their agent andpublished in the local press. Henderson said that theywould have to restrain their secretary from scandalising thecompany in that v/ay. The men's offer was rejected. In aballot held immediately afterwards the Broxburn men(175)unanimously agreed to continue the struggle.'The employers announced the opening of all works and mines on 1st September to give men an opportunity to resume work on the employers' terms. At the same time 121 petitions for the eviction of striking miners were presented to the Sheriff Court by the Broxburn C o m p a n y . T h e radical(174) Ibid.. 13.8.1887.(175) Ibid.. 20.8.1887.(176) Ibid., 27.8.1887.625M.P. for East Lothian, R.B* Haldane, offered his services as mediator. The men again said they would go back at half the reduction and Henderson agreed to put this to his directors. It is hard to accept that this was a genuine offer, since he is reported at the same time as saying that the company would no longer tolerate interference from the u n i o n . H o w e v e r , it did at least delay the evictions. After a series of meetings between Haldane and the two sides in the dispute, the masters' final offer was that they would accept the nine hour day, with a holiday every three gW##. The full reduction was insisted on but it was said that if prices improved an increase would be allowed. The employers, however, refused to deal directly with the union, so theminers decided that each district should maice its own decision on this offer.The strike now began to break up. At every works except Broxburn the united front of miners and retortmen had been broken. All works except Broxburn were processing shale from bings at the beginning of September. By the end of the month miners at most places had also gone back.Only at Broxburn was resistance still alive and even there the retortmen had resumed work on the employers' terms.The strike had now become a trial of strength between the Broxburn Company and its miners. At stake was the future of the union.(177) Ibid., 3.9.1887.(178) Ibid., 17.9.1887.(179) Ibid.(180) Ibid., 1.10.1887.626The Mineral Oil Association had arranged for supplies of shale and crude oil to Broxburn from the other companies. This was countered by the miners enployed by these concerns agreeing to a levy in support of the Broxburn men.^^^^) Support also came from outside the shale fields. Early in September a demonstration organised by the jEdihburgh Trades* Council in the Queen's Park 'to express symp#hy with and afford material assistance to Idie shale workers' was addressed by R.B* Haldane and representatives of the shale miners .'^ ^^ ) A month later a similar demonstration took place in Broxburn, when the principal speaker was R.B. Cunninghame-Grahame, the flamboyant Radical M.P., v/ho had assumed the title of the miners' 'Justiceman' in Parliament. Sie miners met him on the way from the railway station, removed the horse from his carriage, and pulled him into Broxburn in triumph. There were also delegates from Edinburgh Trades Council # 1 0 were, as one of them remarked, not such gifted speakers, but they did however bring a very welcome donation of £25 for the strike fund.^^^^^In late September the Broxburn Company had persuaded some dozen or so miners to work in their Stewartfield mine.On the first Tuesday in October a demonstration was organised against these men. About 200 strikers escorted the 'blacknebs' to the mine. Nine policemen were turned out but as the men proceeded to the mine they were jeered by men and(181) Ibid.(182) Scotsman. 5*9.1887.(183) West Lothian Courier. 1.10.1887*627women at street comers. Such was the commotion that some of the 'blacknebs* refused to leave their houses. The management was determined that the Stewartfield mine should be kept open and working. So, on the Wednesday morning the entire work force of the refinery and crude oil works was assembled^on pain of dismissal, to escoit the 'blackneb' miners to the pit. About 1,000 men were involved. Onlythe coopers, who had their own union, refused to join in.5hat afternoon, on their %my home,the 'blacknebs' were met by upwards of 200 men, women and children and accompanied noisily to their homes* The demonstrations continued on the Thursday and four miners were arrested,On the Monday following the demonstrations 44 minersand their families were evicted from their homes. A large force of police, some mounted, was present and a squad of Hussars was stationed at Newbridge some two miles distant. The men,however, offered no resistance, and the evictions were accomplished without trouble. Women and children were accommodated in houses not oimed by the oil company and in a hall belonging to a local publican. Men were put up in a wooden hut wlaloh had been erected in a field belonging to the same man.^^^^^ It had been the original intention to build the hut in the town but the landlord, Lord Cardross, who was also the shale royalty holder, refused to allowthis.(IGG)(184) Ibid.. 8.10.1887.(185) Ibid.. 15.10.1887.(186) Ibid.. 10.9.1887.628TMs was effectively the turning point in the strike. The evictions had been insisted upon by the shareholders of the Broxburn Company to force the issue in the Company's f a v o u r # I n s t e a d it seemed to renew the men's resolve. Stocks of shale at Broxburn were virtually exhausted and although the other companies agreed to increase their contribution to the strike hit works, they themselves were in some difficulty# At Addiewell, althou^ some miners were at work, the bings of shale were being consumed at the rate of 500 tons per day, only 80 tons of which was going to B r o x b u r n . D u r i n g October and November there were signs of a revival in the t r a d e . A t the same time, some of the miners tdio had resumed on the employers' terms began to take a renewed interest in the union. At West Calder the men resolved to take an 'idle day' in protest at 'tbie compulsory terms at which they had gone in' , and to reduce the size of the bings . It was later reported that thiscompany's stock of finished products was exhausted and that Sunday work had become necessary. ^The Broxburn men tried to turn this situation to their advantage by arranging general 'idle days' throughout the shale field. This was only partly successful, for although West Calder, Holmes and Niddry miners co-operated, the rest worked normally. However, several factors now favoured(187) Ibid.. 1.10.1887.(188) Ibid.* 22.10.1887; Airdrie and Coatbridge Advertiser.257f0.1887. ------------ -----------(189) West Lothian Courier. 5*11.1687.(190 ) Scottish Leader. 5.11.1887; Hamilton Advertiser. 12.11.1887. ,..-(191) Hamilton Advertiser. 19.11.1887.(192) Ibid.. 26.11.1887.629the strikers. Enough subscriptions were coming in to give each man strike pay of 3/6 (17ip) per week plus 1/- (5p) for each child# At the same time the Broxburn Conpany hadlittle success in recruiting 'blackneb* labour* At the end of October only thirty men were working in mines which, in normal times, gave enployment to over 500*^^^^^ This %ms despite strenuous efforts on the Conpany's part. Some contractors were reported to have offered West Calder miners from 4/6 (22ip) to 7/6 (37àp) per shift to work at Broxburn to break the strilce.^ ^^ )^ Letters were received at the union office from various parts of the country advising that agents and contractors were trying to induce men to go to Broxburn.During November negotiations took place under the chairmanship of Mr. J.A* Kerr, chairman of the Glasgow School Board, and a settlement was agreed on 28th November, under which the conpany recognised the union and agreed to the nine hour day. 2d per ton of the reduction was to be restored with effect from the 1st January 1888./^^^)The strike at Broxburn had lasted 21 weeks and the men had won a considerable victory. Although the agreements, regarding the reduction in vmges and the length of the working day were inportant, there can be little doubt that the most vital consequence of the strike was the fact that there was(193) West Lothian Courier. 22.10.1887.(194) Ibid.. 5.11.1887.(195) Scottish Leader. 25.10.1887.(196) North British Daily Mail. 24.11.1887.(197) West Lothian Courier. 3*12.1887.630now concrete evidence of the benefits of joint action. From then until as late as 1914, the miners and employers were reminded at appropriate junctures of the achievements of 1886 and 1887. The Shale Miners Union was one of few in the mining industry to survive 1887, which had generally been a year of defeat for miners in Scotland.There were several reasons for the success of the West Lothian miners. Of some importance must be the attitude of miners elsewhere in Scotland. They absorbed the exodus of shale miners which reduced the relief problem to manageable proportions. Many coal miners must also have been tenpted to replace the striking shale miners even without the enhanced rates offered to strike breakers, especially by the Broxburn Company. Without this solid support the strike would almost certainly have been defeated.The inevitable distress among the strikers * families was a significant problem. The union had no large reserves but support was forthcoming from shale miners at plants; # # # had continued working or which had restarted during the dispute. At the end of the day, when the Broxburn miners alone were idle, miners at other works recognised that their interests were also involved and paid levies of 1/6 per week to assist the Broxburn men. Local shopkeepers also subscribed.The union officials attended meetings at collieries all over central Scotland to appeal for assistance and this \m.B(198) Ibid.. 1.10.1887.631f o r t h c o m i n g E d i n b u r g h Trades Council provided regular and substantial assistance, and individual trade unions also contributed* The Framework Stocking ICnittersof Hawick sent Edinburgh Tinsmitiis* Societyresolved to contribute 3d per week per member. The^ale Miners Union in 1887 had a total income of £1,846 much of wliich was spent on the relief of distress during the strike. £830 was spent on the purchase of provisionsfrom local merchants * ^ Gifts in kind were also received.On one occasion two barrels of haddocks were sent to John Wilson by an anonymous d o n o r . L e s s spontaneous contributions were made by the local farmers. Several instanceswere reported of the theft of potatoes. About five hundredweights were stolen from one farm and at another 100 yards of potatoes in the drill were lifted. The culprits werenot named but at least one newspaper assumed a connection with the strike %Morale was another problem. At the beginning of the strike, the union officials were able to point to the record of the past twelve months in wliich a shorter working day and(199) North British Daily Mail. 27.8.1887; 18.10.1887$Scottishlieader.' .11.18871 15.11.1387 are examples(200) Scottish Leader. 28*11.1887.(201) West Lothian Courier. 22.10*1887*(202) Annual Return of the Chief Registrar of Friendly Societies, PP 1890-91, XCII, p. 483.(203) West Lothian Courier. 23*6.1888.(204) Ibid., 24.9.1887.(205) Ibid.. 1.10.1887; 8.10.1887.(206) North British Daily Mail. 9*9.1887*632increased wages had been achieved. Against this must be set the fact that the men faced a potentially long strike.The tim large companies had stocks of finished products and unprocessed shale. The reduction in wages was imposed in the summer when demand for the industry's products was low.It v/as, therefore, initially at any rate, probably more to the en^loyers' benefit than otherwise to have their works closed for a period. In fact the union officials' strategy was originally to let the works keep going to use up the stocks of shale. This depended on the retortmen being prepared to work at the reduced rate. The majority, however, preferred to strike along with the miners and some employers closed their works, locking out their retortmen. (^ ^7) problem of morale was partly solved by the movement away fmm the district of many of the miners. Some got work with oil companies which had continued working, but most \fere dismissed when it became known that they were on strike at anotherplace.(208)The union also faced a considerable difficulty in that a minority of miners were opposed to the sttike. Many of these were no doubt among the men who left the area to seek work elsev/here but some remained, and it was the employers * strategy to use them as a focus to encourage discontent with the union. Early in the dispute some men at Young's(207) Ibid.. 14.7.1887; West Lo-ailan Courier. 2.7.1887;TCT.1887; Scottish ï^aàer.' r.^.iaaV; 8.7.1887.(208) North British Daily Mail. 17-8.1887; Scottish Leader.È1 .g.iæÿ.633Number 2 Pit at West Calder were allowed to work on at the old rate of pay - an exercise in 'bird-calling*,#a snare to induce the rest of the men to give ia#,(209) Later such men were to form the nucleus of the squads of 'blacknebs*.The battle for the minds of the miners was fought in various ways. Employers relied to, some extent on the circulation of rumours about the breaking-up of the miners ' solid front and the wages earned by men still at work. Inthis they were assisted by some elements of the press. TheEvening Dispatch of Edinburgh came in for particular criticism from the miners in this r e g a r d . T o counteract such tactics meetings of the men were organised in all parts of the shale area, often on a daily basis. These provided information about the enployers and events at otherworks, and were also a focus for unity among the men.The press was also important. The local paper, the West Lothian Courier, maintained a relatively impartial stance and a wordy battle was waged in its correspondence columns. The miners* agent, John Wilson, contributed more than 200 column inches of letters to the Courier alone and he had the able assistance of a number of other union officials and rank and file miners. Miners' meetings were reported, often at considerable length, in the local press and there was also considerable coverage in national (Scottish) newspapers.(209) West Lothian Courier. 20.8.1887*(210) Ibid.. 1.10.1887*634The argument initially concerned the need for a reduction in wages and centred on the allegedly precarious financial position of the industry. In his letters and speeches Wilson displayed a grasp of the economics of the industry that was as good as any of the employers. He consistently argued that the crisis was the result of unrestrained competition among the companies themselves in addition to that from imported oil, and that it was unjust that workers should pay the price for this. ^^ Wilson was a man ofsome education and he was able to relate the dispute to contemporary and historical events. For instance at the beginning of the strike he commented bitingly on the coincidence of celebrations of the Queen's Jubilee with the employers' decision to take 10 per cent or more off the wages of men, many of whom earned as little as 18/- (90p) per week.(^^^) Previous profits and royalties also figured largely in the debate.Throughout the strike the employers tried to show that the men were able to earn much more than the union was prepared to admit. Right to the end, in fact at the concluding conference, the Broxburn mine manager maintained that the cause of the trouble was that the men would not work.By this he meant that a man could make a good wage at any tonnage rate by working ten, eleven or twelve hours perday.(213)(211) Ibid.. 2.7.1887 contains the first argument on these lines.(212) Ibid.(213) Ibid.. 3.12.1887.635Throughout the dispute there was an interesting exchange of correspondence between strikers and men, purporting to be strikers, who wished to return to work on the masters' terms. This commenced at the end of July with a letter signed 'Work on in Hope'. The writer took the miners to task for killing 'the goose that lays the golden eggs. ' 'Workmen should act so as to give a feeling of security to investors and not frighten them to other r e g i o n s . A t a miners' meeting during the following week, a Mr. Meehan (described as the Organising Secretary of the National League) referred to this letter as an example of the 'infamous practice of stirring up jealousy and strife and hatred between the workers of different lands', v;hich v/as 'one of the worst features of the capitalist's system.'John Wilson contrasted the financial risks of the investor, many of which could be insured against, with those of the miner; injury, death and premature ageing - the miner was an old man at 45, which was the prime of life for the shareholders and their managers.The miners were not deficient in more down to earth argument. 'Lover of Liberty* described 'Work on in Hope' as a 'masters' man' who gets a good pay and no work. If he was down in the mine he could not earn what would sharp histools.'(216)(214) Ibid.. 30.7.1887.(215) Ibid.. 6.8.1887.(216) Ibid.636•One Willing to Work* advocated a return to work by the retortmen, leaving the miners to fight alone. 'Better Boo than Break* wrote feelingly of the difficulties of the shareholders, a subject also taken up by the national press, where 'Observer* opined that the loss of income borne by shareholders had 'inflicted on many much greater sufferings than have to be endured by the miners'. It is probable that some of these letters were written by officials and clerks of the Broxburn Oil Company. One of Wilson's supporters asserted that the anti-union correspondents were *a coterie of buzzing local wire-pullers and busy bodies who infest the offices and certain other parts of Broxburn Oil Works, and whose occupation does not require them to cast their coat or soil their h a n d s . H o w e v e r , some were working miners, notably 'Sanny McGlaister* who, writing in the Scots dialect, made personal attacks on Wilson accusing him of using the strike to further his o\m position as secretary, Wilson was also taken to task for writing his letters not to argue the men's case but for 'airing his profound Imowledge o' a* things. Wilson wascertainly a well-read man and he used his knowledge of history to good effect. McGlaister's constant criticism of this and his use of the Scots dialect was certainly an attempt to create a division between Wilson and the miners.The substance of McGlaister's attacks was of course(217) Ibid.. 6.8.1887; Scottish Leader. 5.9,1887.(218) West Lothian Courier. 10.9.1887.(219) Ibid.. 20.8.1887.637rebutted at length by Wilson himself, but it is possiblethat more effective ripostes came from his friends. *JolmSmith* described McGlaister as »a literary scavenger of theBroxburn Oil Company*. *A Pull Private* identifiedSanny as having *a fine canny job* and as being *v;eel kent(221 )to the gaffers and managers.* ^The influence of the Church can be detected. Themanagers were regular church-goers and vrhen Wilson commentedscathingly on their ability to leave their Christianprinciples at the church door in their dealings with the men,he was criticised by several writers notably by 'HallelujahBob', who can be identified as an oversman with the BroxburnOil C o m p a n y . ' J o h n Smith* described some of Wilson'scritics as 'devout church-goers, and could on the shortestof notice white-wash the slimiest Pharisee that ever wallcedprovided said Pharisee had shares in the Broxburn OilCompany and could demonstrate to their own satisfaction thatthe Kingdom of Heaven was created for the sole benefit of(223)oil work directors and managers '. ^The shale miners enjoyed a great deal of moral support from outside the immediate area. l'-üners' leaders from elsewhere spoke at meetings. The Edinburgh Trades' Council organised a rally in the Queen's Park and sent delegates to meetings in Broxburn. The ItLners ' National Conference in(220) Ibid.. 3,9.1887.(221) Ibid.(222) Ibid.. 15,10.1887,(223) Ibid.. 10.9.1887,638October passed a resolution supporting the Broxburn men.The strike attracted the interest of radical politicians and groups. J.L. Mahon of the Socialist League spoke at several meetings in the shale area during a propaganda tour of Scotland in the summer of 1887, and a branch of the League was set up in West C a l d e r . T h e Radical M.P.,R.B. Ifeldane, took an active part in negotiations and argued the men's case at meetings. The self-elected miners'' justiceman' in the House of Commons, R.B. Cumminghame-Graham, was naturally interested. He attended and spoke at several meetings in the area and also put doim a question in the Commons concerning the eviction of the Broxburn miners.Morale was maintained at a high level, as may be judged from the fact that at the end of November, when the Broxburn mines had been open for three months, the company had not been able to get 'as many men as would keep one bench of retorts going.The part played by the miners' wives and families must not be forgotten. They were the greatest sufferers of the evictions, during which most of the women remained remarkably cheerful, some pursuing the constables and Sheriff's Officers with parodies of comic songs, ironic cheering and c a t c a l l s . A s in the 1870 dispute at Addiewell, the women took an active part in demonstrations against«blacknebs'.(228)(224) Scotsman. 13.10,1887.(225) West Lothian Courier. 13.8.1887.(226) Scottish Leader. 18.11.1887.(227) West Lothian Courier. 15.10.1887.(228) Ibid.. 8.10.1887.639The 21 week strike was primarily a wages dispute, and can be directly related to our earlier discussion of wages in the shale industry. Although the Census of Wages carried out in 1886^^^^^ gives certain definite wage rates for the various grades of mine workers, these are subject to considerable qualification. The weekly wages quoted were, in most cases, derived from daily rates multiplied by six - the assumed number of days w o r k e d . T h e r e is some evidence that shale (and coal) miners did not consistently work the full week of six days. For instance^ in 1911, Scottish miners worked an average of 265 shifts (5.09 per week); those in Linlithgowshire, 272 (5.23 per week) and Midlothian, 279 (5*36 per w e e k ) ^ The Census of Production carried out in 1907 indicated that in shale mines 6& per cent of underground workers were absentees on selected Wednesdays, and 94 per cent on selected Mondays. Consequently itis possible that the rates given in the Census of Wages are an exaggeration of the true position.Miners, as we saw, were paid in different ways according to how they were employed. In the shale mines, as in most other extractive industries, the productive workers were normally paid by piece rates. A miner would contract to supply shale from a particular working place in the mine at an agreed rate per ton. Such contractors or 'placemen*(229) Census of Wages, PP 1890-91, LXXVIII, pp. 662-64.(230) Ibid., p. 574.(231) Inspector of Mines Report, East Scotland 1910,PP 1911, XXXVI, p. 7.(232) Census of Production, PP 1912-13, CÏX, p. 49.640might work the place alone or they might employ additional men as hewers and drawers. In the 'stoop and room' workings of the thicker shale seams it was common for places to be relatively narrow and to be worked by one man employing a drawer to assist by filling the shale into hutches and taking them to the nearest connection to the main haulage system. If management required double shift working an additional faceman or hewer would be taken on either as an employee or in partnership with the placeman. In the 1880s it remained common for a contractor to work more than one place and to employ a number of men.^^^^) Drawers and day wage facemen were paid by the placeman at agreed daily rates which varied with the tonnage rate general in the industry. Brushers, reddsmen, bottomers, chain runners etc., were employed directly by the oil companies and were paid at various daily rates according to the task performed.Alan B. C a m p b e l l h a s discussed the difficulties in obtaining an accurate assessment of coal miners' wages in nineteenth century Scotland. These apply equally to the shale miners, for daily wage rates quoted by employers and unions were based on a tonnage rate and a daily ' darg ' or production of shale. This \ras normally taken as three tons. The graph at Figure 11.1 and Table 11.6 were derived in this way. The daily wage obtaining at any given time was simply the tonnage,rate multiplied by three.(233) North British Dailv I'lail. 20.9.18871 West Lothian bourier. 24.1i'.1888.(234) Alan B. Campbell, The Lanarkshire Miners (Edinburgh, 1979), Chapters 1 anï'2" and Appendix VÏ.641It is clear that there would be differences, often significant, between the day's production of one miner and another. The placeman and the day wage worker also received different amounts. For instance in 1888 when the •darg' based rate was 5/6 (27ip) per day, day wage facemen were paid 5/- (25p) per day and drawers 4/6 (224p).^^^^^The contractor was therefore theoretically in a position where he might malce more or less than the accepted rate while the day wage facemen and drawers had a guaranteed daily wage. In both cases there are difficulties in translating this to a weekly wage. The day wage men might not have been employed for a full week. In discussion of a wage dispute in 1888 the details of a contractor's operations for a fortnight were provided. He had paid four facemen for 27 shifts during the two weeks and two drawers for 19 shifts. The facemen,had worked an average of 6f shifts each in two weeks and the drawers 96. There is some evidence that day wage miners might occasionally be employed on 'oncost' work,^^^^^ but this is not strong enough to invalidate the conclusion that in general day wage men did not work six days per week.As far as tonnage payments are concerned, it seems that many miners did not achieve the standard 'darg' of three tons per day. The number of miners employed underground and the annual production of shale are readily available from the Inspectors of Mines Reporbs, the Lists of Mines and the(235) West Lothian Courier* 24.11.1888.(236) Linlithgow Sheriff Court Records. Fatal Accident Inquiry, 16.3.1911, Death of Walter Bow. SRO SC41/13/1642Î/Iineral Statistics. The information in the 1886 Census of Wages indicates that productive miners - hewers and drawers - made up 86 per cent of the work force underground.Assuming an average of 290 shifts per year (56 per week) it was not until 1908 that the average output per man/shift reached three tons. Jxi 1886 it was less than tifo and in 1888 only marginally greater than that. Confirmation of this shortfall from the 'darg' is available on a less general scale. In the fortnight ending on 9 June 1886, fourteen miners worked an average of 10-3/13 days and produced an average of 2 tons 76 c \r ts of shale per day. In the ti'fo weeks ended 15 September 1886 they worked an average of 10-3/13 days and produced 2 tons 54 cwts per day. In the fortnight ended 24 November 1886 an average of 11-1/4 days \m s worked to produce 2 tons 4-1/4 cwts per day. The highest daily output by any man during this last period was 3 tons 10 cvrfcs and the lowest 1 ton 11 cwts.^^^^)The placeman also had similar problems to those of other small scale employers of labour. He had to pay day wages to his men and also to supply and maintain tools, as well as the explosives which were extensively used in shale mines. In 1888, six facemen used powder costing £2.8s (£2.40) in a fortnight while their tools cost 12/- (60p) for s h a r p e n i n g . H e also had the possibility that his place might become more difficult to work than normal. He might(237) Airdrie and Coatbridge Advertiser. 27.8.1887*(238) West Lotliian Courier. 24.11.1888.643striîœ a section of the seam where the shale was less than the normal height. It might even disappear altogether and he would be left to drive through unproductive material until good shale v/as reached. Even in good parts of the seam the miner might encounter ribs of alien material and he would be required to ensure that none of this dirt was sent to the surface with the shale. There were also problems with water and geological conditions. A bad 'pavement' could make it very difficult to work and fill the shale and a bad roof could necessitate timbering which meant less time for productive work. Such problems were collectively referred to as 'deficiency' and were the subject of negotiation between the placeman and the oversman or the mine manager for additional payment to compensate for their effect on the miners* earnings.In periods of prosperity management was often generous in its attitude to these matters, and also in regard to inspection of the shale as it was delivered to the pithead. W ien profits fell deficiency payments were restricted and the shale inspectors or 'crow pickers' became very particular about the quality of shale.In the period under review the miners often conmlained of 'bad cleek', 'want of cleek' or unfair 'cleek*. The term 'cleek' .was a reference to the amount of shale the management was able to take from the miners. W ien trade was good they would be able to take as much shale as the men could deliver, but in difficult times would be less willing to do so. Also there were accusations that managers and644oversmen favoured certain miners in regard to the allocation of limited numbers of empty hutches .The difficulty in assessing the true wages of shale miners is not lessened by the fact that it was apparently a common practice for a contractor to deceive the management as to the number of men working for him, 'so as to save a little to himself from the off-takes '. ) The oilcompanies charged a small fee for the sharpening of tools and the term 'off-takes' included this as well as payments for such things as the company doctor. These were deducted from the payment due to a contractor in respect of each man in his enploy, so it was obviously in the contractor's interests to understate the total of men working for him. The result was that according to the company's books a contractor might have got '£30 per fortnight for ten men, whereas the fact was that the miner had to pay 16 men with it.*^^^^ In 1888 another instance is reported of a contractor who stated to the company that 64 shifts had been worked in his place when the correct number was 72.These factors make it difficult to assess accurately the wages received by shale miners. During the unrest of 1886-87 many conflicting claims were made by management and men; much the same happens in industrial disputes today where the argument generally centres around 'basic and 'take- home' pay. In the shale dispute of 1886-87 'take-home* pay(239) North British Dailv Mail. 20,9,1887*(240) Ibid.(241) West Lothian Courier. 24.11.1888.645was affected by all of the factors discussed here and it was possible to produce many very different estimates of actual earnings. For instance a report in the North British Dailv I#il. commented on this phenomenon, saying that the company's books showed average earnings as from 4/11 (24p) to 7/- (35p) per day; at the same time the miners claimed that they were making only from 2/6 (12-|p) to 5/6 (17èp) per day.^^^^^ Similar divergent statements were made frequently during the strike.Shale miners remained organised under various names until 1962 when the industry ceased operations. The Mid and West Lothian Miners Association was dissolved in 1895 but was immediately replaced by an unregistered union knovm as the I#d and West Lothian Labour Federation. ^ Atttts stage the union represented the West Lothian coal miners as well as the shale miners. John Wilson devoted considerable time and energy to the organisation of the colliers, with particular success in Armadale. During the great coal strike of 1894 his efforts extended throughout the county and union organisation was achieved at Fauldhouse, Whitburn and Bathgate. ^ )In 1899 and 1900 the essential dichotomy between the interests of shale and coal miners caused a division of the county union. In times of good trade in the oil industry employers tended to argue that shale miners' wages should be(242) North British Dailv Mail. 20.9.1887.(243 ) Annual Returns of the Chief Registrar of FriendlySocieties, PP 1894, XCIV, pp. 144-45; PP 1896, XCIII, p. 722.(244) West Lothian Courier. 1892-94, During this period the 'Trade Affairs' oolimm made frequent reference to meetings addressed by Wilson and to his work during the 1894 strike.646determined by those ruling in the coal industry, VIhen the shale industry was under pressure it was claimed that employers could not afford to pay wages as liigh as those of the colliers. Hie situation was complicated by the fact that, as large users, the oil companies benefited from low coal prices. A period of low ivages in the coal mines could therefore mean increased profits in the oil industry resulting in pressure from shale miners and oil workers for increased wages. So, although there was throughout the period a relationship between coal and shale miners ' rates of pay, the shale miners at times attempted to break it so as to have their wages decided by factors internal to the oil industry. One such attempt lasted from 1898 to 1903 and may well have been the cause of the separation of the coal and shale miners' unions in West Lothian. At any rate, in 1899, the Amalgamated Miners and Manual Workers of West Lothian and Renfrewshire was set up to represent coal, shale and iron miners. The coal and shale miners were to be organised under separate committees but would remain a united body. This proposal by John Wilson was accepted by the coal miners but the shale miners held aloof and from 1899 onwards West Lothian was Represented in the Scottish Miners Federation by coal miners only.From 1900 the shale miners were organised separately as the Scottish Shaleminers and Manual Workers Association.(245) Minutes of Amalgamated Section of Scotch Miners and of Amalgamated Miners and Manual Workers of West Lothian and Renfrewshire, 1899-1914. National Library of Scotland (NLS), Accession 4312/1.(246) Report by the Chief Labour Correspondent of the Board of Trade on Trade Unions. PP 1906, CXIII, p. 95.647From 1900 also the oil workers were represented by the Scottish Oil Workmen's Association,which employed John Wilson as agent. The shale miners and oil workers joined together in 1924 to form the National Union of Shale Miners and Oil Workers and this body represented their interests until 1962.The membership of the union varied over the years.At the height of the dispute in 1887 there were 1,577 m e m b e r s . M e m b e r s h i p declined to 441 in 1 8 9 2 . In1893 and 1894, 3,000 members were claimed but this probablyip(251)included coal miners. From 1900 onwards membershwas consistently above 1,000 and in 1901 reached 3,500.The continued existence of the union was in marked contrast to previous bouts of industrial action in the industry vdien the men's organisations simply withered away when the immediate purpose was achieved. This can be explained in several v/ays. Of considerable impor'bance is the fact that in the late 1880s and 1890s wages were under severe pressure because of the industry's problems with the unregulated competition from imported petroleum oils. The men had successfully played the employais off against each other in 1887 but thereafter were faced with increasingly(247) Scottish Oil Worlcnens Union, Rules. SRO, FS 10/8.(248) Returns of the Chief Registrar of Friendly Societies. PP 1890-91, XCII, pp. /;82-83.(249) Ibid., PP 1894, XCIV, pp. 144-45.(250) Report on Trade Unions, PP 1900, LXXXIII, pp. 694-95.(251) Ibid., PP 1906, CXIII, p. 95; PP 1909, LXXXIX, pp. 800-801; PP 1912, XLVII, p. 767.648united employers in the Scottish Mineral Oil Association, who were determined to restrict wages in order to survive.The 1887 strike had ended on a note of conpromise, a reduction of 2d per ton being accepted instead of the 4d originally imposed by the employers. It remained the expressed intention of the union to get back the second half of the reduction at the earliest possible moment. At meetings early in 1888, the miners* leaders referred to the state of trade as justifying the restoration of the whole r e d u c t i o n . ' I d l e days' or one-day strikes were organised in March and April but these were ignored by miners at Philpstoun, Champfleurie, Burntisland, Dalmeny and Oalibank. The agitation continued throughout 1888,culminating in 'idle days' in February and îferch 1889, but in August 1889 the union leaders complained that the failure to secure the advance was due to the 'acceptance of employers' bribes by some of the workmen to work against the general interests of their f e l l o w s . H o w e v e r in September the 2d per ton was conceded by the employers after some weeks of intense union activity involving weekly meetings of the men and the issue of circulars discussing the increase in profits since 1 8 8 7 . Agitation for a further advance continued in the form of weekly 'idle days' until the spring of 1890 but was unsuccessful. (^57)(252) West Lothian Courier. 14.1.1888; 21.1.1888.(253) Scotsman. 24.3.1888; 9*4.1888.(234) West Lothian Courier. 2.2.1889; 2.3,1889.(233) Ibid.. 17.8.1889.(236) Ibid.. 28.9.1889.(257) West Lothian Courier. October 1889-April 1890.649During 1890 and 1891 wages continued at the agreed level with occasional demands by the men for increases which were refused by the en^loyers. In 1892 reductions of 2d per ton in May and October were unsuccessfully resisted by the men. However in May 1893 a further reduction of 2d, i.e. to a notional wage of 4/6 (22#p) per day, was i m p o s e d . T h i s .was strongly resisted by the miners and by working only four days per week throughout the summer to reduce stocks of shale and finished products the withdrawal of the reduction was secured in August.The period after 1893 was one of considerable difficulty in the industry. Most concerns had difficulty in paying dividends and some found it hard to survive at all.^^^^^ The general level of miners* wages remained at a notional 5/- (25p) per day until 1898 at a time when those of coal miners ranged from 4/- (2Qp) to 6/- (30p) per day. The only agitation among the shale miners in this period was in 1895 when a rise in the price of burning oil inspired a demand for higher w a g e s . A t Broxburn and West Calder restrictions were imposed on production and the Tarbrax miners struck work.^^^^) The men were less than united and their leaders found it impossible to persuade them to carry on the restrictive action and, in the face of a threat by the employers to clear the pits if a four day week was adopted, the agitation was abandoned.(258) Ibid.. 20.5.1893.(259) Ibid.. 24.6.1893; 1.7.1893; 12.8.1893.(260) See Table 2.2.(261) West Lothian Courier. 51.8.1895.(262) Ibid.. 21.9.1895; 28.9.1895; 5.10.1895.(263) Ibid.. 21.9.1895.650The industry continued in a depressed state until the early 1900s but in the last year or so of the nineties there were signs of improvement, mainly in the shape of investment in hew types of retort. In 1898 there were also substantial increases in the wages of coal miners. In August of that year the miners in Broxburn employed by the Broxburn Oil Company and by Young's Company were advised by John Wilson to seek an advance of 1/- (5p) per day on these grounds and also because of a considerable improvement in product p r i c e s . T h e request was refused by the oil companies, and a four-day week policy was decided upon by the miners.^^^^^ In an effort to divide the men the Broxburn Company carried out a ballot among its facemen, i.e. the men who actually produced the shale at the working face, ignoring the drawers. Even this group which included a high proportion of contractors earning more than the day-wage men, produced a majority of 26 out of 250 men in favour of the union's p o l i c y . O n the following Monday, a mass meeting of all Broxburn miners voted by 305 to 22 to continue the four-day week.(^^^) A vocal minority of miners continued to attack the policy and a ballot of each pit in the Broxburn area was taken. 409 men voted with a majority of 41 in favour ofthe four-day week.^^^®^ It had been intended to hold asimilar ballot among men employed by Young's Company but a(264) Linlithgowshire Gazette. 27.8.1898.(265) Ibid.. 10.9.1898.(266) Ibid.. 17.9.1898.(267) Ibid.. 24.9.1898.(268) Ibid.. 8.10.1898.651private ballot was taken at Porkneuk pit which showed a considerable majority against the union. John Wilson promptly visited the mine and despite the attentions of three policemen held another ballot which showed a majority of two in favour of the union's policy.The Broxburn Company at this stage put pressure on individual contractors, saying that, if their places were not worked for six days per week, the company would have to find other contractors who would guarantee to do This brought matters to a head and forced the men to decide on an all-out strike as the only alternative to accepting defeat. This was decided by 292 votes to 178.20th October 1898 an advance of 6d (2&p) per day was conceded by the Broxburn Company and accepted by the men. Within a few days the advance was given by the other companies throughout the shale area.^^^^) This victory proved once again that, as in 1887, the Broxburn miners were the most resolute in the pursuit of grievances. On this occasion the early support of the Young's Company miners stopped short of strike action and there vms little or no support from men employed by other companies, notably the Pumpherston Oil Company.In August 1899 an increase of 2d per ton was conceded by the Broxburn Company after offers of Id and lid had been refused by the men.^^^^^ In 1900 and 1901 the shale miners'(269) Ibid.(270) Ibid.(271) Ibid.(272) Ibid.. 22.10.1898.(273) Ibid.. 26.8,1899.652wages moved up and down several times, closely following those of the coal miners. From the outset shaleminers* wages had been influenced by those of coal miners. Although there were differences in working practices, there was considerable movement between the two industries and it was inevitable that the Wage rates of the 60,000 or so Scottish coal miners should be a major factor in determining those of the 4,000 shale miners. 33ie link between the two was not straightfonmrd but was complicated by the fact that the oil industry was a large user of coal and thus had a vested interest in low wages for coal miners. Conversely the employers could be faced with wage demands to match rising coal miners * rates at times when profit margins were reduced by increased coal prices. During the 1890s the shale miners had on occasion been denied parity with coal miners because of conditions in the oil industry, but in 1898, 1899 and 1900 had secured advances largely on the basis of events in the coal industry. In 1898^during the successful campaign for an increase of 2d per ton, the shale miners had attempted to make the point that their wages stood ten per cent below those ruling in 1888 whereas those of the coal miners were 50 per cent hi^er than in 1 8 8 8 . In effect the shale miners claimed that a large differential in their favour had been lost and should be restored.(274) See Table 11.6 and Figure 11.1.(275) 3.9.1898,653At the turn of the century the oil industry gained a measure of independence from foreign competition due to increased world demand and to problems experienced by natural petroleum producers. At the same time retort improvements had resulted in substantial reductions in operating costs throughout the Scottish industry, which thus experienced a period of almost unbroken prosperity until the outbreak of the Great War.The new retorts dramatically reduced the industry's dependence on coal as a fuel and rendered profit levels less susceptible to variations in coal prices. One effect of this was to polarise the attitudes of men and employers in wage negotiations. The men determined to end the informal link with wages in the coal industry, while the employers saw it as to their advantage to maintain and confirm this link. Matters came to a head in the summer and autumn of 1903 with a demand by the men for an increase of 1/- (5p) per day based upon improved product prices. This was rejectedby the Scottish Mineral Oil Association w3aich reiterated its position that shale miners' wages were properly decided by reference to those of coal miners, and not to the condition of the oil trade. They also threatened that, in the event of a restriction of the working week, the mines would be closed throughout the shale area, and would not be re-opened until shale miners* wages were reduced to the level of thecoal miners.(^ 77)(276) West Lothian Courier. 21.8*1903.(277) Ibid.. 11.9.1903.654A joint conference of employers' and miners' representatives was held, in Glasgow on 2 September, but did no more than rehearse the arguments of each side. The miners* agent, John Wilson, repudiated the argument that shale wages were solely governed by those in the coal industry, pointing out that in 1886-87 the shale miners, due to the prosperity of the oil trade, enjoyed a considerable advantage over the colliers. On several occasions advances in coal miners' wages had not been reflected in those of the shale miners, because the oil companies had argued that the industry could not afford it. The miners, he added, now considered their v/ages should reflect the new prosperity of the industry, since previously they had been influenced by its lack of profitability.The oil companies, represented by William Fraser - the managing director of the Pumpherston Oil Company - argued that shale miners' wages had been fixed by reference to coal miners' and further that a formal agreement to that effect had been entered into in 1899 - the Broxburn Agreement,Mr. Fraser further argued that shale miners currently had a lead of 6d (2|p) per day over the coal miners and that in any case the oil industry was not as prosperous as made out by the shale miners' agent. Mr. Fraser was challenged by the men's representatives saying that he and his company had never recognised the Broxburn Agreement. ^ ^The proceedings of the joint conference (together with(278) Lothians Express* 16.9.1903T?655correspondence between the enployers and John Wilson) were printed as a pamphlet and distributed by the oil companies to all of their miners, At the same time John Wilson issued a manifesto to the men presenting the union's side of the case in very strong terms, but suggesting the settlement of the dispute by arbitration. ^During the following two weeks a ballot was conducted among the miners at Broxburn and West Calder and 90 per cent voted in favour of the proposal for a four-day week.This was intimated to the enployers along with a suggestion of settlement by arbitration. The employers expressed interest but refused to consider the matter until the threat of a four-day week was withdrawn. The men agreed^^^^ ^ and there followed discussion of the terms of reference for the arbiter. The men suggested five items: the advance of 1/-per day based on the condition of the oil trade; %vas the Broxburn Agreement designed to govern the shale miners' wages for all time as claimed by employers, or did it (as was the men's interpretation) refer only to the circumstances ruling at the time of its negotiation?; had shale miners' wages been determined by those of the coal miners?; in the event of the arbiter deciding that in the past shale miners ' wages had been so determined, a new wage agreement should be negotiated by the arbiter on the basis of proposals from the men and the employers; the arbiter's av/ard should be binding(279) West Lothian Courier. 18.9*1905.(280) Ibid.. 2 5.9 .1905.(281) Ibid.656for an agreed p e r i o d , T h e s e proposals were rejected by the employers who suggested that the arbiter be invited to consider only what constituted a fair v/age for shale miners, taking into account the mining trades generally, or that he should adjudicate upon a sliding scale agreed betvfeen John Wilson and the employers in 1902 but repudiated by themen.<283)In the absence of agreement about terns of reference the men decided to revert to the four-day week policy with effect from the 17th O c t o b e r , A c t i v i t y at this stage was confined to miners employed by the Broxburn Oil Company and Young's Company where some 90 per cent of the men were in the union.^^^^^ The four-day week was not to be imposed in other works - principally the Pumpherston and Oakbank Conpanies - where the union barely had a foothold. On the other hand, the enployers presented a united front and repeated their threat to close all the mines in the shale area if the four-day week was implemented at any of the plants. The resultant 'lock-out' became effective in the third week of October. The men lifted their 'graith' or tools from the mines during that week - mostly on the Friday. A shale miner's tools made up a heavy bundle of drills, picks, shovels, saws and hammers and in Broxburn three lorries were hired to convey the men's 'graith' to their(282) Ibid,. 2,10.1903.(283) Ibid.. 9.10.1903,(284) Ibid.(285) Ibid.. 23.10.1903,657homes. \îhen the lorries moved off from the pithead, the miners fell in behind them in an inpronptu procession which was taken as an expression of solidarity.The 'lock-out* lasted barely a week. Arbitration on the employers' terms was accepted after they had altered their stance sufficiently to allow the arbiter to consider factors other than coal miners' wages. The West LothianM.P.,Ure, had discussions with both sides and had felt able to assure John Wilson that the employers would not object to a 'full and free discussion'.Sheriff Jamieson of Perth was appointed arbiter and after hearing evidence (mainly from John Wilson and William Fraser), he made an award which largely maintained the status quo on wages. He rejected both the miners* claim for an increase and the employers' for a reduction to the level of the coal miners. Shale miners' wages would remain as they were at 6/- (3Qp) per day until 30 September 1904 because the prices of shale products had risen and continued to rise, 'notwithstanding the serious and continued depression in the coal trade'. With regard to the general principles governing shale miners' wages the arbiter accepted the employers' contention that it was ispracticable to base these on the prices of shale products. On the other hand, although he accepted that the large number of coal miners in relation to shale miners made the coal miners' wages a sound basis for(286) Ibid.(287) Ibid.. 50.10.9903658the assessment of the shale miners* rates, he conceded that it was also right that the * condition and prospects of the oil industry* should be taken into a c c o u n t . A l t h o u g h the men derived no immediate benefit from this judgement it seems likely that the principles laid down by the arbiter would in later negotiations be of some assistance.The miners * leaders, in particular John Wilson, came under attack for their conduct of this dispute. Tiie local press criticised Wilson for having encouraged a demand for an increase of 1/- (5p) per day at a time when coal miners * wages were substantially below those of the shale miners.It is also true that in some areas the union had little support. For instance in the ballot on the four-day week policy only 10 per cent of the Pumpherston miners cast a vote.(^^^) At the same time the companies were said to be more united than at any time in the history of the industry.^^^^^ Wilson was also criticised for the tactics adopted.Thé device of putting pressure on the two companies in which the union was strong, leaving the rest of the industry to work normally, was said to be unfair and also unworkable because of the united front displayed by the employers. It should be borne in mind that such partial action had been successful in previous disputes, notably in 1887 and again in 1898 when(288) Shale Miners Wa^es. Minutes of Arbitration (Glasgow.pp.' ----------------------------(289) West Lothian Courier. 18.9.1903.(290) Ibid.. 25.9.1903.(291) Ibid.. 16.10.1903.659action against the Broxburn Company had secured improved wages throughout the industry. The circumstances were now different, for the weaker concerns had been eliminated.The Broxburn Company was no longer the outright leader of the industry, but it was still a successful concern, Pumpherston and Oakbank Companies were beginning to match it, while Young's Company (which in 1887 had been the weak link in the employers* chain) was now in a much sounder condition.There can be little doubt that the conduct of the dispute was influenced by the Taff Vale Judgement, which made trade unions liable to damage suits in respect of the actions of their officers. At an early stage in the 1903 action,John Wilson expressed the intention of corresponding with the employers as a private individual to safeguard the union from such a c t i o n . I t is also possible that the unions intention in forcing the employers to lock-out men willing to work normally was to muddy the waters sufficiently to make the companies hesitate about legal action. At any rate, although the possibility was mentioned by the press(^^3) oil companies did not take it up.It seems likely that the demand for an increase was secondary to a desire on the part of the union to sever the link between their wages and those of coal miners. In his manifesto to the men Wilson made it quite clear that this was a major consideration.Table 2.2, gives an(292) Ibid.. 11,1.1903.(293) Ibid.. 18.9.1903.(294) Ibid.660indication of the reasons for such an attitude. From 1893 the union had defended its members' wages more or less successfully in a period of very poor trade. The condition of the industry began to improve with the adoption of new techniques at the turn of the century and from 1903 to 1911 there was a period of sustained prosperity. Advance signals of this were not wanting in 1903* In May 1902 the directors of the Pumpherston Company had reported that seven benches of new retorts had been completed at Pumpherston, Deans and 8eafield.(^^^) In May 1903 it was announced that the cost of these had been fully witten off, i.e. paid for out ofrevenue. Similar replacements were made by the Broxburnand Young's Companies,while the Oakbank Coup any commenced the construction of a completely new crude oil works at Winchburgh. The directors' report of this company in 1903 foresaw that shale oil could now be produced at a cost competitive with natural p e t r o l e u m . T a b l e s 3(a) to (d) in the Appendix to Part I summarise the annual accounts of the four major concerns in the industry. From these it can be seen that in the period from 1893 to 1899 only the Broxburn Coi#any made provision for depreciation in each year and even that company passed its ordinary dividend on two occasions. The Pumpherston Company paid no dividends at allin two years and in one year made no provision for depreciation. The Oakbanli Company paid dividends on only two(293) Scotsman. 28.5.1902.(296) Ibid.. 3 0.3 .1903.(297) Ibid., 11.5.1903; 16.6.1903.(298) Ibid.. 2 1.5 .1903.661occasions and only twice set aside funds for depreciation. Young's Company paid no dividends throughout the entire period and provided for depreciation in only three years out of the seven.In 1900 and in subsequent years there was a marked contrast. All of the companies made provision for depreciation each year, large sums were placed to the credit of Retort Renewal Funds and the amount of distributed profit rose substantially. The picture presented by the tables is one of a substantial turn round in the fortunes of the industry in 1898-1900. The high level of investment from revenue in new plant indicated a growing confidence on the part of management in future prospects for the industry, and it is not surprising that a miners' agent as well versed in financial matters as John Wilson should have seen 1903 as an appropriate time to attempt to linlt shale miners wages to the rising fortunes of the industry.Shale miners' wages remained at the level of 1903 until 1907, although wage rates in the coal industry remained low. \lhen the latter moved up in 1907 and 1908, those of the shale miners followed, and from 1908 to 1912 remained above the coal field rates. It seems possible that the agitation of 1903, while not immediately successful, at least secured the shale miners' position viz-a-viz the coal miners. We should also note that although the rate per ton at 2/- (lOp) was the same as in 1886 the output per man-year had risen from under 500 tons to over 700 in the period from 1903 to 1914. This must have increased the wages of miners, particularly those of the contractors or 'placemen'.662Such disputes over pay inevitably were of major importance to the continued existence of the union. A considerable contribution was also made by the involvement of the paid officials in day-to-day minor disputes at individual pits and with individual companies. Many of these were concerned with the weighing of shale produced or with the amount of dirt in it. Shale was weighed at the pit-head and also examined for dirt by a shale inspector or *crow-picker*. Various Mines Regulation Acts provided for checks on the weighing apparatus and for the employment by the miners of oheokweighmen or justicemen.Until the establishment of the union in 1886 there were no oheokweighmen in the shale area. The first appointment was at the Wewliston mine of Young's Paraffin Light and Mineral Oil Co. Ltd.^^^^) By the middle of 1887, the men's agent was able to report that eight had been appointed and to claim that they 'were the most important event in the history of your union' Subsequent events afford proof of theirinportance and of the lengths to which the oil companies would go to prevent their functioning. For instance, John McGough, the checkweighman at Hayscraig mine, was confronted by three sets of weights in simultaneous use and naturally found it impossible to carry out his duties. This appears to have been directed as much at McGough himself as at the principle of chekweighing. He had been a leading figure in(299) West Lothian Courier. 18.12.1886.(300) Ibid.. 4.6.1887.4663the strike of 1887. The men at Hayscraig agreed after a vote to replace him by another man. ^ McGough left the shale area for Kirkintilloch and was later a delegate from Dunbartonshire to the Scottish Miners Federation. He returned to Broxburn early in the twentieth century to set up as a newsagent and thereafter took an active part in local government.At Hermand in 1888 the men struck work because their checkweighman was not allowed access to the weighing m a c h i n e . T h e r e was a similar incident at Young's Itoiber 11 pit in 1889.^^^^^ The most obdurate of the employers in this regard was the Oakbank Oil Company Ltd.This company had consistently refused to recognise the men's right to combine. During the formative period of the Shale Miners ' Union in 1887 and 1888 any Oakbank miner taking a leading part in union matters was summarily dismissed regardless of length of service. In the first two months of 1888 the union spent in excess of £13 on the relief of men victimised in this way at O a k b a n l c , W h e n the Oakbank miners decided to appoint a checkweighman, the threat of legal action was required to make the company accept him.The company then insisted on the construction of a partition between the checkweighman and the weighing position, the checkweighman being required to observe the proceedings(301) Ibid.. 6.4.1889.(302) Scotsman. 17.5.1888.(303) West Lothian Courier. 15.6.1889.(304) Ibid.. 10.3 .1888.(305) Ibid.. 7.1.1888.664through a window. The Inspector of Mines for the East Scotland area, Mr. Ralph Moore, was appealed to by the men but gave his opinion that, 'if there was a hole in the wall large enough to let a head through, it was all that the law r e q u i r e d . By calling a succession of meetings a small group of men known as 'Calderwood's (the mining manager)click* eventually secured a decision to dispense with theeighe:(308)checkweighman. ^ ^ The checlcv/eigher was restored later in1888 but the partition remained.Weight continued to be a problem and as late as 1897 the manager of the Roman Camp mine of the Broxburn Company offered to concede half hundred-weights in hatches if check- weighing were dispensed with. This matter of the levelof accuracy in weighing was also a source of disagreement.Up to 1886 most companies weighed hutches to the nearest hundredweight. If a hutch weighed ten hundredweights and 110 pounds the miner received nothing for 110 pounds of shale. After the formation of the union most employers conceded that weights should be taken to the half hundredweight, although the Oakbank Company remained insistent upon the former practice at the end of 1888,There were numerous disputes concerning the activities of the shale inspectors or 'crow pickers*. On occasion it was alleged that oil companies used the presence of small(306) Ibid.. 21.1.1888.(307) Ibid.. 10.3.1888.(308) Ibid.. 24.11.1888.(309) Ibid.. 27.5.1897.(310) Ibid.. 24.11,1888.6654.amounts of dirt to condemn a whole hutch and so avoid paying for the shale, which was then processed in the normal way.Thus ^ in 1887 , 40 hutches were kept off the miners at Stewartfield in one day and 90 per cent of the material went to the retorts,A fruitful source of dispute was the matter of additional payments to men working ’deficient* or difficult places In good times the employers might well have felt able to be generous in such cases to ensure the smooth running of the mines. However management used these situations to depress general rates of pay, especially when the companies were in difficulties. ^ The need for advice and representation in these matters- of wages and working conditions was no doubt an importantfactor in the survival of the union. However such things had not been unknovn in the decades before 1887 when attempts at union among the men had been short-lived and associated with particular grievances. It is clear therefore that there must have been important factors at work in the 1880s and 1890s leading to a hitherto unknown permanence in trade unions in this industry and in mining generally. The most obvious is the incidence of various Acts of Parliament and the necessity for combination among workers to turn the new laws to best effect. The legislation regarding checlcweigh- f men is of particular importance. Although the Mines4(311) Ibid.. 26.9,1887.(312) Ibid.. 26.3.1892.666Regulation Act of 1860 provided for the accurate weighing of material sent up by miners, it was difficult to enforce and judgements in the courts effectively undermined its pov/ersP"^ ^^ It was not until 1886 that the shale miners attempted to appoint oheokweighmen, but it is clear from subsequent events that where miners at a particular pit were united enough to employ a checkweighman, union officials had a much easier task than in mines where they were not.The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries saw the passage of important legislation regarding compensation for injuries to workmen. The Employers' Liability Act of 1880 has already been considered in Chapter 13 and we need only reiterate that it was regarded as important by the ^ shale miners and that the union was deeply involved in theirrepresentation.(^^^) In 1893 the men’s agent, John Wilson, claimed that ’£600 at least has been won for injured workmen . . . for cases for which nothing was paid formerly.The Workmen's Compensation Acts of 1897 to 1906 were also vital. The actual workings of the legislation are described in Chapter 13, but it is clear that the adversarial principle of actions under the Acts necessarily involved the unions, especially in disputed cases . In 1911, when laid up with the illness which eventually caused his death, John Wilson< (313) Thomas Johnston, A History of the Working Classes int Scotland (Glasgow, 1929) , p . 559 •(314) West Lothian Courier. 4.6.1887; 17.11.1888; 16.2,1889.(315) SRO M d and West Lothian Miners Association. Letter dated 18 July 1893 from John Wilson to Addison Smith, Assistant Registrar of Friendly Societies. FS7/72.4667was involved in correspondence relating to a claim in respect of the death of a young Newliston miner.Miners also faced an increasingly united front on the part of employers. In the 1880s and 1890s the smaller and weaker concerns were gradually eliminated and in the period up to 1914 the industry consisted of four large companies and two smaller concerns each of which had strong links with one of the larger firms. , The Oakbank Company remainedparticularly opposed to recognition of the union; the matter of checkweighmen at Oakbank has already been discussed. Physical violence was not unknown. In 1888 John Wilson was assaulted by the Oakbank mine manager, Robert Calderwood, when attempting to speak to some of the company’s miners.This hostility was maintained throughout the period for in 1906 it was reported that ’a fire hose was freely used at Winchburgh last week to keep Bîr. John Wilson and the miners ’ officials away from the Oakbank Oil Company’s works where they sought to get a vote of the men taken on appointing a check weigher.Although support was forthcoming in West Calder at critical periods, the union’s main strength lay in the Broxburn area dnd in particular among the miners employed by the Broxburn Oil Company. Although this company at times refused to deal with the men’s a g e n t , i t seems as a(316) SRO Memorandum of Agreement dated 5 November 1911, Representatives of R. Moffat v Young’s Paraffin Light & Mineral Oil Co. Ltd. SC41/36/2.(317) West Lothian Courier. 21,1,1888.(318) Midlothian Advertiser, 28.4.1906.(319) West Lothian Courier. 16.2.1889 is an example.V)4.668general rule after 1887 to have accepted the union. Indeed a practice grew up of the provision by the conpany of a treat to the miners at the conclusion of disputes! For instance a beef-steak supper was provided in 1898 at the end of a strike 'to indicate that the company did not desire to show the miners any ill will for their action*.By the first decade of the twentieth century the miners therefore had achieved a position where they were able to exert some influence on their conditions of employment. Oil workers must naturally have wished to follow this example. However the available evidence indicates that organisation among oil workers was intermittent, and generally confined to the redress of inequalities between one works and another.For instance in 1888 the retortmen at Uphall struck work for one shift to secure a five per cent increase to bring them up to the same level as other works. ) Xn 1891 theScottish Oil Worlcmen's Union was registered but by June 1892 it had ceased to e x i s t . I n 1897 the 'gulletmen' - those employed to take hutches of spent shale from the retorts to the endless chain haulage for conveyance to the bings - struck work because new retorts reduced the number of men employed from four to three for each bench. The strike was eventually settled by an increase of 6d (2|-p) per day to compensate for the changed conditions. The Scottish Oil Worlonen's(320) Linlithgowshire Gazette# 27.10.1898.(321) West Lothian Courier. 28.4.1888.(322) SRO Scottish Oil Workers Union. Letter dated 29 June 1892 from A. Kerr. F87/90.(323) West Lothian Courier. 7.8.1897 ; 21.8.1897.,4Union was re-established in September 1900 and continued in existence until 1924 when it joined with the shale miners to form a common union. However, during most of the period under discussion oil workers * wages generally moved in line with those of shale miners.4‘A<■ji670EPILOGUEThe shale-oil industry endured for almost half a century after 1914. In that time its importance to the Scottish and United Kingdom economies declined as the development of the internal combustion engine caused a tremendous increase in demand for oil which was satisfied entirely by growth in the natural petroleum industry.Shale oil declined also as an employer of labour. Prom a peak of some 10,000 in the period prior to 1914, the number of workmen declined to between four and five thousand after the Second World War. The survival of the industry was assisted by a preferential rate of duty on its products. This hidden subsidy was withdrawn in 1962 as a consequence of the setting up of the European Free Trade Area. The shale-oil industry did not long survive this.In retrospect it may well be considered surprisingthat 'the great expansion of the Scottish shale-oilindustiy only occurred when it was already apparent thatpetroleum would be the ultimate beneficiary.Howevercontenporary opinion looked upon the industry and itsunequal conflict with natural crude oil asconspicuous testimony to the . . . enterprise and inventive genius of our countrymen and to their perseverance and skill in meeting and(1) John Butt, 'The Scottish Oil Mania of 1864-66', Scottish Journal of Political Economv. Vol. 12 (106$), p. iôfe.J 671surmounting the most formidable obstacles in the path of industrial progress. . . The Scottish oil, in its dry matrix of black shale, has first to be laboriously won - blasted out of mines hundreds of feet deep, hauled or hoisted by machinery to the light of day and crunched into small pieces between strong iron teeth, then carried perhaps some miles to the retorts where it is carefully distilled and separated from its earthy casing - before it even reaches the condition of crude petroleum( p )that spouts up in other countries ready made. ^ 'In fact, the industiy provides a classic instance of the problems faced by British industry in the late Nineteenth and early Twentieth centuries. Its success in ^ meeting conpetition from other countries with supplies ofcheap readily accessible crude oil suggests that Britain was not entirely devoid of entrepreneurial skills of a high order.The shale-oil industry also provides a focus for the study of the evolution of an industrial society and in addition to the specific conclusions drawn at appropriate points in the discussion it is perhaps worthvAiile to make the general point that, although an Edwardian industrial society such as that of the Almond Valley may have had little in common with the rose-tinted view of that period * as the 'good old days', considerable inprovement had beeneffected over the period of this study in many aspects of(2) H.M. Cadell, The Story of the Forth (Glasgow, 1913), pp. 195-6.1AAtt1.672life closely affecting working people. Housing, working conditions and provision for sickness and accident had all benefited from intervention by the wider community (the State) and its acceptance - often reluctant - of some small responsibility for the welfare of the weaker sections of society. It can also be shown that the more affluent sections of the working classes had been able to make provision for the hazards of life in a relatively unrestricted market economy by personal savings and by joining together in Co-operative and Friendly Societies to help each other as well as themselves.VOLUME 5 of 5Appendix and BibliographyTHE SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SCOTTISH SHALE OIL INDUSTRY1850-1914John Henderson McKayDoctor of Philosophy The Open University 1984C P O 3 o% 3 ="8 Sp o n o P« 5 o . o p .% g:I:"-3 M MS» O 8»Ï-.p g.«1«+•§0 3w a* R* Q? «-I C h►J 3 O CÏ ®H in = 3 c ; 5 5 ; M S « - i = s ? = : > - ?► » 3 l p p 0 l - » 0 f f l H * 0 0 3 3 « f g - - ^HI, w . 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M i H "C Q S - y ëet* M p. e + p c +* p o q P '0 p. a 0 0 0 0byy b r b <01clA(DR• I I 6I - I98I*t®rv ®I«qS 9^ % UT eaqBTZua pu« XxunoQ KeSqxTIUTI puBixoos‘s®snoH OOI ®^<î ®®TITunSiî jo uaqmrq^ r izz ®iq'EITable 24: Funbera and Erepertion *f Faailiea Occupying Housea of Tarioua Sizea;Scotland,Linlithg*w Cauaty and the Almond Talley Pari3hea,I86l - 1911.P A R I S H E S ETC.Census Year 'gcd$00COONE ROOM OR LESS§13lAfa§■+>931110«H00»1r4r41pC01 X"30tSfiS-Su+>ng1861 23ir-,687 3,74246^996519S218489?1831^141489?109359?1123^095309?214499?1871 238,78532^3,5594lfS884429517731%7119?153439?275489?143319?11432^63743^1881 211,24526^2,987339g703329?130259?7129?11636^ 419?126239?69209?425309?1891 193,73522^3,00621%772319^179239?579?72229?385249?210309?119119?432229?1901 169,83917^2,7792^ %550209S191.239?13109?104209?467239?87139?64119?338229s1911 129,73712^2,2561L9?671199?72 54^76119?344149?4579?5489?249169?TFO ROOMS OR LESS1861l87r481,288 729?6,421 799? — 6-667-1,648 849?351779?40689?229789?21410%224649?187609?33618%699? *779?T,604769? 719?39669?-267—769?■ 461 ■ 819?- -526— 719?23466^— 1- 4^88 869?1881 526,897 6,625 1 ,435 344. 40 240 780 392 206 1,13464^ 13% 10% 669? 10% 759? 859? 729? 599? 819?1891 535,566 7,805 1,724 510 35 237 1,237 548 431 1,225619? 73? 719? 679? 559? 729? 8C% 789? 729? 80^1901 554,785 8,976 1,848 536 83 382 1 ,614 472 398 1 ,1 2 4519? 10% 689? 65^ 649? 739? 799? 719? 699? 7:39?1911 539,092 10,178 2,408 575 73 420 1,888 391 386 1 ,052539? 679? 10% 549? 599? 629? 769? 639? 619? 10%1861 !R0Œ1S OR LESS 557,221 7 ,052 1,783 379 47 250 249 276 232 373839? 879? 919? 839? 819? 869? 82% 799? 749? 879?1871 606,615 7,454 1,770 388 46 299 503 387 281 1,59782^ 869? 869? 829? 779? 859? 889? 849? 799? 939?I88I 646,425 7 ,530 1,628 399 44 262 839 458 260 1 ,2 6 2799? 839? 819? 779? 779? 829? 919? 849? 759? 909?1891 678,952 9,087 1,907 617 46 274 1 ,413 607 503 1 ,373779? 849? 839? 829? 739? 849? 919? 875? 849? 909?1901 732,914 10,757 2,250 , 682 102 469 1,861 560 482 1,344699? 849? 839? 829? 799? 909? 919? 85^ 839? 889?1911: 744,411 12,742 2,931 900 97 608 2,217 502 515 1,208739? 849? 859? 84^ 799? 909? 30% 819? 829? 859?Source: calculated from the data in the published Census Reports,1861 to 1911.Table 25: Relationahip between the Increase in Population and the Increase in Number #f Rooms Occupied for Inter-censal Periods from 1861 - 1911, Scotlasd,Lialithgow County and the Almond Valley Parishes,P - Population Increase.R - Increase in Number of Rooms Occupied.ad da JS a0 0 0d ■ paj a•rt CO fcOr H <0 a( H • H0 >• H a •HX a i-3PRP/R- p —RP/RPRP/RC k a:o o t J4 J -TS iH0 - p a J a < a g r 4 din I Î n I i i i JH a, -o1871188118912 9 7 ,7 2 4 2 ,3 2 0 -5 255 20 361 1,175 659 245 5 ,93a285,795 2 ,166 536 188 32 257 449 110 61 1,8791.04 1 .0 7 r .3 5 0 .6 2 1 .5 2 2.61 5.99 4. Oi 3 .1 6375,T55~ -679 408 -51 -293 2 ,0 4 0 544 61 -1 8 43 5 0 ,9 5 0 2 ,365 282 219 -5 0 -8 655 276 108 2111 .0 7 1 .0 7 1.86 3.11 1.97 0 .5 62 90 ,074 9,298 1,909 1,157 64 132 3,841 610 1,431 775306 ,057 4,595 671 493 48 27 1,567 224 507 3420.94 2.02 2.84 2.34 1.33 4.88 2.45 2.72 2.82 2 .2 6P 1891- 44 6 ,4 5 6 12,960 2 ,645 167 339 1,148 1 ,8 8 2 -151 6 -5 6 4R 373,412 6 ,0 9 7 1 ,6 1 4 265 187 597 1 ,027 118 24 2941-19 2 .1 2 1 .6 5 0 .6 5 1.81 2.89 1 .8 5 0.25P 1901- 288,801 14,447 3,655 1,394 768 950 2,251 -548 117 -376R 1911 25 7 ,0 2 7 7,710 1 ,6 0 2 707 656 464 ' 1 ,2 5 5 -rl9 176 8t1 .8 7 2 .2 8 1.97 1.17 2 .0 4 1 . 7 7 0 .6 6uource ; calculated from the data in the published Census Reports,1861 to 1 9 1 1 .Table 26: Relationakip between the Proportion of Siajfle-roomed houses and the level of Occupation Expressed as a Number of Persons per Room* Spearman* s Rank Order Correlation Coefficient: Scotland,Idnlithgow County and the Almond Valley Parishes,I86I - 19II.PR = Persons per room; IRE = Proportion of one-roomed houses*Rankings 1 to 101861 PR 1RS 1871 PR IRE 1881 PR 1RSBathgate 1 1 West Calder 1 3 West Calder 1 5Livingston 2 3 Bathgate 2 4 Uphall 2 1Linlithgow 3 5 Uphall 3 1 Bathgate 3 4County Livingston 4 2 Linlithgow 4 3West Calder 4 2 Linlithgow 5 5 CountyUphall 5 6 County Kirknewton 5 8Ecclesmachan 6 9 Kirknewton 6 9 Livingston 6 2Scotland 7 7 Scotland 7 8 Kirkliston 7 7Kirkliston 8 4 Ecclesmachan 8 10 Scotland 8 6Kirknewton 9 8 Kirkliston 9 6 Ecclesmachan 9 10Mid Calder 10 10 Mid Calder 10 7 Mid Calder 10 9Rs=0*782 Rs=0.710 Rs=0*6971891 PR 1RSWest Calder 1 3Uphall 2 5Bathgate 3 1Kirknewton 4 2Linlithgow 5 4County Mid Calder 6 9Livingston 7 7SîrEIÎsfônr ~8' "6”Ecclesmachan 9 10Scotland 10 81901Uphall West Calder Livingston Bathgate Linlithgow County Mid Calder Kirknewton KirklistonPR 1RSEcclesmachan 9 Scotland 1023 6 54971081911Uphall Livingston Bathgate West Calder Linlithgow County Mid Calder Kirknewton ~KirklistbnPR 1RSScotland 9Ecclesmachan 104 6 1 2 378 -95 10Rs=0*758 Rs=0.520 Rs=0*661lSpearman's Rank Order Carrelatiom Caefficient is calculated by taking the sum of the squares #f the rank crder differences #f the 10 items,multiplied by 6; this is then divided by the square of the number of items less one,multipliedby the number of itarns; the figure thus obtained is subtracted from one*e*g. The rank orders for I86I above produce the following differences; 0,I,2,2,I,3,0,4,I,0; the squares of these are 0,1,4,4,1,9,0,16,1,0; the sum of these squares is 36; 36 x 6 5- 216;the number of items is 10 and this squared is 100; less one is 99;99 times the number of items is 990;216r 990 = *218; I- *218 » *782n>1'alil•H >-P O p M3 A CO A0 p l> C- A VO03 lo es r\ Tf Vû vo VO AO VOo o c- lA lA vo mO Q C** ^ [AO Œ c— m m 00fA CO ^ C\J O CTïO O t A f - C M t A O O O v O U Î O ^ A T f V O C ~ V O AI I 1 I IO O Oo o ACMI Io oI Io co CJ\ A A A VOO M3 CM A A -«i- CM »- A ' A A A A A A AO O O O Og s saia u 0' T O O p0 08 p a00U ai4-1 a-0-A 0--0o> ta PPi 0a 013 a01 0 CM 0c Xi 00 Pai ap *HpPi aA A o c- c- o.4 ,Ao A0 -—A M 3 O CM A § A OA CO rj-CM •>- A A AA A A A C M A A A C MCM CMCM AA A APi S % Si .9 9 o oCM M3 T— O C\J Tî" A OA A A(Ota Si 2 §ScS ë §P<8 ilS C M O C O A — f - V Û V O M D O O A A ' v A ' m . ^ - A A v C O A T fCM A A A - M - A A A A A A A9 Æ ^ ^ ® f ' ^ C M A O ^ O A AAM30CO — Ti-0O»-AAA • • • ♦ # # # * # # # #A V O V O M S A V O V O A A A A AA O <— O VO CM CM "(fI(3O CMII I^ A O• • • • * •CM 1;^ 2; vo O'3* 00 CO Tf A CMC-I IO 00 CM AA CM A 00g 1> M3 00 oORC M V O C O V O A O C M C - V O O O• « • • • • • • • e #o o A — CM A *- A VOa O S'Z. S3CM'*-M)A»--^AC^OCM T— *—&g%Sa•S3•3 i + » 1 n rC~ A 00M3 VO A pA VO 0031-4P0 031 1PTT 010A CM CM440 A 0CM 3 VO®bapCM CM VO ppVO d VO •HA. VO C- >VO 0 r~ XPOJ r- ACO VO A PTl- Tl-PA VO 0<- A C- P3CPPA (D1 1 PA PA >PVO A 0 PiA A A aA CM 0p44C" C- 0 PP00 CM 'T PA A VO 0 a0 P03 0VO 00 •3 >bOA r- A 01 P PVO 3 00 P P P0 P n4-> X 3P p 0P J5C" 0 >»r - X 01 1 >CM P 3 Pa P PP01 P CA 00 3 P PCM A A a P PP PCM CVJ CM ■'T 'T A XI P44 3 0P 33p P PA VO •H0 CM VO P P01 X PA A "T 0 P P3 S3 0 P3 P P0 ® 33r - CM A X PC3 3 PA VO VO a 0PiH P PP 3! P3 0 P3 OS &i00 a1 1 > >ï 0CM ■ri p 03 pP Pi p•H aCO CM c- 0 0® 0 3VO Tf XI p+» p >p 0P 0 p•rt P iCO 0 c- 0P p 0VO A A -P PVO 00 CM P p3 0 3p Pm 3•T* c- ■'T X n 3-p p PA d A p 0CM VO a 44 P0 pp p44 P>» w0 'T 3 p pCM 00 p 33A CM p pp p ai1—1 P3 a Xs 0 pP 0 sS p0 es p E4rH üiH a - ÿ0 P 3 0S 0 p s 00 X 3 0•H Pi a p p•3 p 33 m 0 0«< es CO sUITable 2.€i Level of Occupation of One- and Two-roomed Houses in Oil Company Rowa in the Almond Valley,1871.a) One-roomed HousesSettlementN U M S E R 1 2 304F5H 0 6U S 7E S 0 8 9P E R S 0 NAddiewell 4 13 22 11 9 9 3 1Happy Land 2 3 2 6 2 3 1Nos send 2 4 2 3 2 1Gavieside 1 6 9 9 12 2 3Raeburn's Row 2 2 3 2 1East Hermand 2 1 6 2West Hermand 1 1 1North Cobbinshaw 1 1 1 1 1South Cobbinshaw 3 3 3 1Starlaw 2 2 5 4 9 1 1Uphall Station 2 3 6 7 1 7 2West Calder Village 1 7 6 4 9 9 1 3 1I U P I E D B Y 10 11 12 13 14 153b) Two-roomed. HousesAddiewell 2 9 12 18 18 11 12 7 6 1 2Happy Land 3 10 17 29 30 17 17 18 11 2 3Mos~send t y~ 0 9 t4--19- -zb— — TV- - 4- - 4 2Gavieside 1 1 2 5 4 5 7 8 2 2 1Raeburn's Row 1 1 1 1 2East Hermand 1 1 1West Hermand 1 1 3 3 5 1 1 2North Cobbinshaw 1 1 2 2 1 1 1South Cobbinshaw 2 2 5Starlaw 2 1 3 4 3 1 7 1Uphall Station 2 4 3 4 3 1 2West CalderVillage 3 2 7 5 6 4 4 3 1Note; In each case the vertical line indicates the change to a situation ofover-crowding as measured by the contemporary standard of 3 persons per room.Source: The Household schedules in the Census Enumerators' Books for the parishes of West Calder,Bathgate and Uphall,1871.LIÎÎTable % 9: Provision of Shale Miners' and Oil Workers' Housing,N 1[J M B E R OP n o u s E S P R 0 V I D E D BYParish OilCompanies'o a»"S. 01 i 0OT « st a1 0 rs. •° 2 0s ë ® T» © iHI ë S2 d1 p I I g ^ g 1o t— ,3 S 0 w 0 Ê4Uphall 699 85 3 82 212 446 1527k5.7fo 5.^ 0.2^ 5.39s 13.89s 29.29s Proportion£5.93 6.11 6.53 12.45 9.86 9.08 Average Annual ValueWest Calder 750 17 6 3 109 88584.7^ 1.99S O.79S 0,39s 12.3^'£5.33 5.08 12.50 7 .50 8.27Kirknewton 158 7 5 5 9 80 26459.8^ 2.659s 1.99s 1.99s 3.49S 30.39s£4.85 5.28 7.00 8.40 8.58 7.75Mid Calder 251 5 5 5 7 30 30382.8^ 1.69$ 1.6^ 1.69g 2.39s 9.99s-£6-.-7e- 5^ 00- Tï-55- t 3v40- 1^.00- - -6^83-Livingston & 323 49 5 5 18 400Bathgate 80. 7?? . • -- 12.29g 1.29g 1.29g 4.59s£9.01 4.59 9.20 6.14 7.84Kirkliston 371 22 7 17 74 49175.59^ 4.49S 1.L9S 3.L9S 15.09s£8.56 7.31 9.57 9.94 9.13Abercom % Dalmeny < Linlithgow < Ecclesmachan^230 211 25 4 12 5 48747.29G 43.39s 5.19s6 .2 4O.89S11.252.49S10,781.09s8.3325782 308 126 114 265 762 • 4,35763,89g 7.09g 2.89g 2.^ 6.09g 17.49sSource: Valuation Rolls for the above parishes: of Mid and West Lothian,1911-12;Table 3 ÛÎ Landlords of Privately Rented Housing,other than Shale Miners or 0Workers, Almond Valley Parishes,l9l1-1 2.Description Local Residents Other- TotalorOccupation Number of Number of Number ofLandlords Houses Landlords Houses Landlords HouseTradespeople 92 416 14 50 106 466Unspecified(Pemale) 38 156 19 100 57 256Trustees 10 91 13 85 23 176Management 5 48 3 9 8 57Unspecified(Male) 11 26 17 81 28 107Entrepreneurs 1 20 1 20Retired 3 17 7 31 10 48Local AuthorityOfficers 3 14 3 14Co-operative Society 1 11 1 11Farmers 1 8 2 8 3 16Churches 1 8 1 8Teacher 1 7 1 7Professions 2 5 4 22 6 27Insurance Agent 1 4 2 9. 3 , 13Merchant's Wife 1 3 1 3Banker 1 2 1 2Parish Council 1 2 1 2Railway Company 1 1 1 1Public Hall 1 1 1 1Workmen 1 1 6 27 7 28City Council 1 3 1 3Provident Association 1 4 1 4Churchmen 2 37 2 37Investment Company 1 33 1 33Commercial Traveller 1 10 1 10Colliery Manager'sWife 1 8 1 8Territorial ForcesAssociation 1 1 1 1175 841 95 518 270 1,359Sourca: Valuation Holla, 1911-12^id and ffeat Lothian,LVHr H+3i c * -- p«Q■PüetM-PRrOA•HSüuA«D «3C ÜM •H■P«H RO •H+»ta et-p -PM COOA HV cepci UVH Get •H0 S§ «H< OCüUPJODO(STZOTIITW) FUOJ, - TIOTI^OTlpOaa « 1*8^5IVIId•H03m0301SIoIüI03IVOt>rHIt)ügmN-\HOvVOCOCOHGO€)ü2soIm€)SLVII^^4CI;rr . . . . . . . . . T T TI ‘ ^ ■ ' ! ! LLÜ- Ti-4-i. fff4 ;-L44.-LMgration Factors,ScottisK Counties to Linlithgow, .^4+ I86l-I9IIi Highland Counties,ShetlandOrkneyCa.i thne s sSutherlandRoss &ITTRi:].!•Cromartyvertical Intervals, I = 0,001?i,Tire Cl(Cont.)r, NairnElginAberdeenKincardine44-#- 44-I4-!-44-TtT 1. t I- l! ! jrrFigmre .Cl{Coat,5as4 - J - 4 -433331J4-L4.TT3331I l I I IHI4 J _4444-TTTT-M- 4-4-M-TI TT4 I . im .-U-44J4_I :! : i rr4-U.44X4TT H ForfarTT[TT HITTr TTTTTTTTTT-Sj4-L4444 TTT 4-4-TT TT TT TTttf TTTt TTTT rrr I I I 1 TTtf TTT"+4 T TT TITTJ_LPerthi±zf±tn. ! 4-4-J___ L TTTTT— T4-4TT44.44X4TT 44.4 -4 -4 _ULJ_i_44.# 4 44- 44-4.44.1.4444tTiArgyllISrTTTTTTTT 44-411, 14SI #rX4-4-4-4-44 TTT TTHX X X I 1 I I 4 4-4 T TTT Tf+ TTT TT 14 ; 1#4441.-44LTTTT-T- TTTTT TT TT44-41. 44-44 nxTtTTrri-t t t 44Tt1X4. TTT^ute+4 W -TTT\ TXjX444-V J. I I I4-4X44-4L1 ! ,1TT444 T T - T T TT j-4L -XTLLi-i, nT TT TtT TT TT trH;H 44 4-4L5 TT-44 TTT 444-44444 TT XX4 XT-14TTT X X -UTr±T44TTPigureG2: Migration Factors,Scottish Comities to Linlithgow,I6ÔI-I5II5 Southern Upland Counties,BerwickI86I 71 81 91 I9OI I9II0.02O.OI-O.OI0.020.06Peebles0.040.030.02O.OI- O . O I- 0.02iJ'J.Figure .C2(Cont,)I86r 71 81 91 I90I I9IISelkirk0.02O.OI- O . O IRoxburgh0.02Dumfries0.02O.OIKirkcudbrightIX I IFigure C2(Cont.)I86I 71 81 91 I90I I9ETWigtown0.030.02O.OI-O.OIDXIIIFigure C3: Migration Factors,Scottish Counties to Linlithgow,IS6l to I91I; Lowland Counties,I86I 71 81 91 I901 19IIFife0,0'O.Oi0.040,02O.OIO.OI- 0,02Kinross0,02LXIVFigure C3(Coat.)I86I 71 81 91 1901 I9IIo.ie0.170,16 0,150.141Clackmannari-O.OI- 0.02-0,05Figure C5(Cont*)I8él 71 81 9Ï I9ÔI I9II0.20o.io ;Stirling0.050.02O . O I0- O . O I-0.02Figure C5(Cont.)DumbartonI8ëï 71 0.080.07 \I0.06 0.05 I0.040.02O.OIQ\0.0581 91 1901 1911Renfrew0.02Ayr0.02O.OIFigar« G3(Cont.)LanarkI86I 71 81 91 I90I I9II0.2aO.IO0.060.040.02O.OI-O.OIFigure C3(Coiit,)Ï86I 71 81 91 I90I I9II0,11O.IO0.040.02EdinburghO.OIQFigure C3(,Coat.)I86I 71 81 91 I90I I9II0.09Haddington0.02O.OI—O.OI- 0.021 I-0.03-0.04Highland;I86I 71 81 91 I90I I9II0 “ ' ' ' ^SouthernUnlands0,12O.IO.IOlLowlands0,05 :0.040,02O.OIeFigure C4: Migration Factors,Scottish Regions to Linlithgow, I86I to I9II,LXXIFigure DI* Migration Factors,Linlithgow to other Scottish Counties,I86I to I9II;Highland Counties,I86I 71 81 91 I9OI I9IIShetlandOrkney.CaithnessSutherlandHess' and CromartyInvernessNaimElginBanffAberdeenKincardineForfarVertical Intervals,! * 0,001Fignre' D%(Cont»)1861.. 71 81 91 I90I I9IIPerthArgyllO.OIO.OIBute0.02o . o x-O.OII86I 71 81 91 I90I I9IIBerifickO.OIO.IOPeebles0.040,02O.OX—0.02FigureD2: Migration Factors,Linlithgow to other Scottish Counties,IB6I to I9II: Southern Upland Counties.Figure B2(Cont*)I86I 71 81 91 I90I I9IIO.IOSelkirkI0.06 jI0.05 jo.04j0.030.02O.OI0-O.OI- 0.02Hoxbur^O.OIDumfriesO.OI—O.OIFigure D2(Coat*)I86I 71 0.02SI 91 I90I I9IIO.OIEirkcudbrightO.OI-O.OIFigure ^ 3: Migration Factors,Linlithgow to other Scottish Co\mties,I86l to 1911;Lowland Gctinties,I 8 6 I 71 81 91 I9 0 I I 9 I I0,10 ^File0.050.040.02O.OI-O .O IKinross0.060.020.0:-O .O IFigure D3(Cont.)1861 71 81 91 I90I I9II0.12ClaclnnannanO.OI-O.OI—0 *02- 0.03-0.04- 0.05IT3.VIIIFigure D3(Coat*)I86I 71 81 91 I90I 191%0.14O.IO0.040.02StirlingO.OI0Dumbarton0.080.050.040.02O.OIFigure D3(Cont,)RenfrewI86I 71 81 91 I90I I9II0.030.02O.OI—0 * 01A j r0.02O.OILanark0.090.050.02O.OIQ-O.OIFigure D5(Cont*)I86I 71 81 91 1901 I9II0.190.15O.IO Iüdinbur^0.06 0.050.04 I0.030.02 O.OI ' 0-O.OI-o.oj-0.0kFigure D3(Cont*)I86I 71 81 91 I90I I9II0.070,060.02O.OIEaddin^tonHighlandsI86I 71 81 91 I9OI 1911SouthernUnlandsO.OI-O.OILowlands0.080.070.060.050.03O.OIFigureD4; Migration Factors,Linlithgow to Scottish Regions, I86I to I9II.P i g i i r © I I M & p o f t h e S h a X e A r e a *f t o t à é à L,H A L B E A T H / /V o r M f ! - 1l o w n h n i E lq m * : W ç f lw lo dif)l.iinn>r o n . ) Q \ t # r 'P i- iv a t.ilK E N N E T P A N S( S h i p p i n g Port.lI '‘'•fr/yiiéfK I N C A R D I N EN G H O R Ni U P P ^O ^ M Ï L EB /a irh a U » \ ^ \ (UrnesA B E R D O U R B U R N T I S L A N D(Sfiip/iiiig ^ ^ r l .Chqriestoym. (UmestanéjÈC N i r i C H K E I T HI N Y ERKE fTH>N0t^r I N C H C O L MCHARLESTOW Nh S h i p p i n o P o r tG R A N G E M O U T HG r a n ^ e r h a B t hN. Q U EEN S F E R R V ' W .B O N E S SlOfiiD'K lhneili p g P o r t ) r a cMuTrHouse>5 t A \RAHAMSTONn \ GRANTON^ ^ ^ n p p n . i ) P o r t IP o r iA N T O NDALMENY ^almen^ (Sha/e/ ,DGARUendarliyTo n t j u n H LFM5 .•{PhUipstoun • (Shale)l e V hi)Ncnur^\?? \rniN:T'i P re s to n linGBAt\TON/ DAVltfSONS MAINS BARNTU^ y^ONCT)no-\ \ N«Ji')N.r4 I N C-T<.'N V ^ V j L n H war»R e d d i n g / M a n u e j r i g g h U ! * / M u i r a v o n s i dQ U E E N S YINCHBURGMORRISONSHAVt . ' j inppi i ig J ' o r : 1S'hateCraigend WhiterTgg >^7. , C a n , ; .E . R o u g h t / g gIj^NtBU'r'gTT^WAVtKlt V trPJ. i M -V ,■. A E 1P re sio n j S r a n a ^ PR!O P P A ^ ,R G H Jrc W a /J ^ o rdEW AY &N D hchitjtreem. - Y ^ ÿ ^ h a l e )C R A I G L E IîaTiSTüSAA/e/R>^W^ \ T(Sh( É _^ ^ S B A T A G ATTE T ^ p ^ ^ a r n p a C a m g s (Un/estoneg•P o lk e /T . l e f \ {ft lD fi M E J U N . rn ( Shale) G O G A RE A T O N ^ ' % - % ."^a* s / a n d \ (Ltrne^one)R A T H^ | L l A RW E S T F I E L D : ridj eh 0 us M l L L d R H I L Lr u m s i T o r e l a n dCU R R I E HILLNT/ONB U R NB a /b ILMERTfifNWoodend_ J U N I PS t r a i te n • /'Limestone) /CU RRI^ d g e h e aRQ/fMIEKNOWE* N e v y b a tileL E R N O l A S S i W D Ee/jsnCoaf ^ Shale.' hSh^MIDCALHlfBÜRNV/'oü/aA/e/jS ^XjEWPARK. r " WP en A a r \ B E N T ! ^ CALDER r r W■''• ' • ^ f S ^ & T H E A D \ •H a rb u rnROSLlG O R E B R i d G E/ r o S ^ yn^ aPen r c i n ^ ^ ^y N L E E(Coal t /rdnsiona) D I N^YF U S H I E B l f l DGE ^ /HARBURN'a rb u r n (Limestone,POMATM O Rrs. \ // jCobbiasJjiTW_CpjBgl NS^H^V\VT jResGTtroirB a J q lla n (U m ^S q e )W esia llC o b b in sh a w (Shale)MERIC\ H a r i ^ m o d r rnaiPhfrnsp.■ S b s . ^yWHsoniown^ . HAYWOOD' ^ / . '7S W \L # )^ / h (Shale)AUCHENGRAY C H Ao o m l eB B r o x h u m O i l C o m p a n y B t d f D D a l m e % % r O I X C o m p a n y B t i #0 O a k b a a a k O i l C o m p a n y L t d # P P i a m p h e r s t o n O i l C o m p a n y L t d ,1 Y o i m g ^ e P a r a f f i n L i ^ i t a n d M i n e r a l O i l C o m p a n y L t d , a J a m e a E o s e a n d C o m p a n yS o u r c e ; M i n u t e s o f A r b i t r a t i o n o n S h a l e l l i n o r e * V i a g o s ( G l a s g o v r , I 9 0 3 )LxxmrFigure 2: Broxbum in 1854; 08 25",Sheet VI,15,! _f p i ÿ /V- -Y yC u,,R n w n14 5 ' f M 4 : ^ ' ' ' ' ‘s S t t i l l SR | n P 9 - - k 4 ! iifMiTJ-sJ-7i}% u a•' i J h 'w r y / , J t o d . i . -s^M^ *n>.x:6t//yr PciHi.m#:\ n . .Cj*î *■ ■* 'Pigure 3? Broxbum 1897; 02 25" LinlithawsliirejSliest VI.I4 & 15.iheepj'old3 9 11-036:4374-156O3622-123 11-8682-115Football GroundKirkhUl\/ LBridge Place \364 . \ , DY ' / Z o r \-X* Pillarà r d ' c o s s J i o t e\ \ '.95.068 I— \oirurng\School Caun Free -^.Police Sta. 'XChurchySt. John's R.C . Church fa ^' \ \ ' ' ' \ ' i ^ o n ù m e n i \ \V///SchoolUolygate Marne. ^r7 7 r j\> ® S ^ TP j i b l i c H o U . P8-178D .F n,.-B U R N S I 0a.D.u...fnronn246.'B . M . 2BowlingGreenBroæbumX > LodgeW . MB.M.\255 9- - - ' M . P 3982-921m s-X^ XAqueductt CSluice M ill Dam 359 2-911 QhurclHolggate 'Broxburn FarkM ill Dam Sluice 3.M.223-4Goods DepotStone f3561 3 - 8 6 539917-868DaviFigure 5« tljiiail In 1916, 02 25",Llnlitheowe4iiro N.VIII.6KirkhillX ’ Park16-91518-460 8-860376 Qrave' Yard'^ .ChurchYard*\ Football8 - 9 5 6GroundS 4 QU itç o io B i E d i n b u r a K3 073«M 968 OD rill H allQ1 2 - 4 9 7.2*742 '\ \ \ D . F n : ; . . : U PH A LLC K M ETER lCrossgreen Lodging H o tt^ 350» & 1-235 ^5-9469-8441-53510 317' |/ ti',',.7-703 350»2-564H o l m e s 19*379A'"'// . ^ 328a r o \ I 827S W t W _ IO ld Q u a r r yCrostgremU p h a l l8 - 0 1 0 8*230T.euk Shale P itfA 4^8! ... . Ui -iini rnrninru uJAuiXu#1 ;, A ' r <:2 -9 3 Q -" f" ' (• «•» ^ » • “ “ •JL* ^XOIII25",Linlithgowshire,! #^ VIII. 10..••••« 9 * 9 3 6 •* .• „ • ■ • . y■ I'v- rF ilU nm.■ : - v :V a ir .Filter\ Stankards Rows10139»E n g in e95* 3-65930-833Campa i i i 'i ii i i ii tJunction\\W'Vv '/.?C ra n e-' 8 «41rW.TBeechwood Cottages6-629'AI n s te•6 0 8 'li x'-'/xvk -SU iice : iJ ion*Bowling fe e n 2 066 R eservoirStation Bows 9 -7 4 8O v e r f lo wk\C X M7 278:o,v2 2 - 7 8 6 , 1-7213-140Reservoir3-122h v e r A o t oR eservoir\f.-Jr''-,- - ,Gxq ^kt~>6 - 0 0 51 4 - 2 8 9. fert-.r1 0 3 6•548W .T ,.T-3 B.M.421'5" à43/B.M.432'2iP.O.1024"";;,a-161"Wr-''■■■•. .......‘ 4 - )036û.^ \^X■■'*'*' % *"k*;- 1022 ^ 414*A4r\ \ / ,^.-.\ - i ' . - ' \> fv- " - V-. -t .". -k ^ .V -©•/ \ ^.^4. ^ ^ ^75 \■n - f t.-a * Ct ' O/? .-a .^ .-a . ■af10171016"&Aoo/ '0,5.'"'^\ r^-'A!»' & e/ ' 975 " **a'a.f!j«a A.-a .xV®«y.r#.n \ # - i Z)awr\V'.x-59% \v*'. ^,.. lOlla • •/Ill, ^8®5 •••«•>>,,fx xu«"^ai.....y^ - .....,'ir.r*y.n.%»,0« Qiwrry1014%-\/753%\ : \«« • *>••!,•98I \ W•432J VB.M.418-4 \ XD oghouse\y, Ra lien giegh^ x | 9 8 2 \ \.690369.9 0 137J1 3 3 1 6 J978V 18 I373377"d'--^D ; ! i ^ u ^ h u r e o u a‘ < \‘Sit i2 3 - 1 2 5854.7 0 2Edtnhurg/iJshtre— ItpHurveyed in 1803. R*^'ised tn 1000, LinLithijovcuhire. .Purveyed in . . . 1805. Rcvuted tn. 1890. ' A O ' f i ' t on/4/k o n i 4 3 r . h1 6 - 7 2 7" 8 5 Ô "2 0 - 6 3 0B .» .373-78461 M I M T X C N A N 1 > S Y M I J O I . S K O K B O UTSTli A K l K S. CEDINBURGHSHIRE \J _L4 , \ 4^ Z>y CALDER PH. npJin7jnr/>rjnuthfrt4617 5 5iiyS7S5'rt^ Bowling G-reen ;-^•407/,H a ll 469WA',756), I 470) 1113.676 7577 . I l l7^7BM.479-67765-394,4se506WellG oFigure 17Lilïingstoii StationBarracks StripÎ I2 «\+0 'i5S,XOVIIFigure 18Deans and Starlaw5/e390* \ 6*021 )SITStarlaw Rows ^Yr.r3901*373Figure 19 Seafield Rows632»1*325Seafield Rows54 7( 625 ( *454XOVIIIVFigure 20$ West Calder in 1907; OS 25”tEdlnbur^shire,XI*2*xo-3691 0 3 6 9Mossend8-12617-907I 6 6626-662B .M .5 8 5 -2\ 890Station‘ 17078 9 83 423/y^Cleuchbrae WMt.QooiM ShBd-///\\\BridgeTenantsmarch 3206 2 0 8Ortuu '6-ao8 - - v yÊ .M .S 3 0 -9\ -fioi Ktoduc^aoo2nc>ra€ Ckurck%r ."34 .1853-885 Bowhng%Ca derW estSchoolSchoolSchool ManseChurch'ChurchFigure ait Gavieside,Mosaend and Kaebum Rovs in I9I7| OS 25“tiinlith*owaliire,H.XI.I2.302•901City \ Qn oi t i ng \\ G recnB.*« 4 a a s'X. ....ly.TGavieside2-136972604 ■; Sr>•863-405'3939-557ReaburnRow952» Shafts'School501R e s c r v o i r \ ^ ^ Pit '^o.ll(1‘umpirig Sta.)393» I. •520 ) 537 / iJ4778.8141 2 - 6 3 3289 261\ Reservoir";7078-3061•773 ^4-486m m A ir Shaft11-897ShaftOld8 .Ù / - 0[% ■ ^ c^/,Shaft //'7-2435135I I1-85!1-361Q(I0 f80312 863838U .Sm .m 54 3 - 3 /W / 254[Edinburgh . 16 ln'est Calder fiOt" Mossend Cottage,3-6607-295841Mossend jKrnÆ m1-92<0 / 8/39-128838780 /8308-510887 / > , 10-943Figure 22 ,Rosebery Row,\b . j2-393/R o s e h e n .Figure 25 Mid Breich and Westwood Rows9182-016MidbreicnMows9-247919«♦066H erm and Oil Works (P it No. 4 D ituted)IVestwoodRow540600Clno;.',r '‘"lo noeHONVtiB m M 3 / o o A . .-ÿ-r$ 3 ' 'n u M " u " I U A ^iiYiLÏlJ ^^uîu^'r~-T^I » I *» •III/ «M l# I I I * •,\»«>t*“ Ulll;/yAHoanqo%. S'M vr/y X>muv^ \dcnjdX'ppY^'(.xioxn^ o '<î*'d'Û\ ^*11114 SEfrSi#âvpvdv^ -""WilW///^SlOO^Ogs-ses'it#911'I'lX^ oaiTqsi^ aniqirppa^ g^s so Ù06I «T HSfiSTPPV :l7g eaii^ T^Figure 25South Cobbinshaw RowScJwolSouthCohhinshawFigure 26 Old Woolfords2 4 1 2Figure 2?New Woolfords872 Y\Woolf or ds Cottages865CP2a. i. ' ®2220sffW.wSTai'braxOil Works . '%9<^yaElectric2 3 9 - 5 4 6(\J #(,^ r-::::::f::::::::xX '"f . '■( #Institu te1 7 * 7 2 5 Football (a round 2298c 1.467.-UkVV'>22-29840-8172 2 9 8 b1 7 * 7 2 53*333 QuoitinfjGround239*546A lE . ... /. .......222128 . 3 8 1&A.'222122 -298#.* -%.*f"! 2296)W*7 4\ t d i. 631 ,2296^) . 9 0 6 I2297 ^4* 44±^ ir- t tv •‘^4'"School. I ^22227*317296 ( j &4*.' ''' ^A*.*2292 20 - gooFigure 29Hermand Rows 1894^ _ ^ , Vidge*633 ' B.M. 63é’9 *T-- -I---g rre7 7 0 :B; • 3*435 :-------- ÿ—:S.. 2; , )^ 4W-77I; 14*718657Hcrinand RowsX7721•413^XFigure 30 Hermand Rows 19078hvUlehaUB.0,636'8 *rf[n oa. J J BHermand d Mows770#2*070'xKiSjcvFigure gFmnt vie# ef the two blooke faeli^ #e m a i n s t r e e t # T h e # a t ^ r o o f e d e x t e n s i o n s h o u s e t h e b a t h r o o m a n d sink-plaoe a n d were a d d e d a f t e r t h e Great War* ,51( b ) V i e w f r o m t h e c a n a l b r i d g e , s h o w l n g t h ew a s W i o u s e s b u i l t i n r e s p o n s e t o t h e 1 8 # r e p o r t by the Medical O f f i c e r * E a c h b i o # : o f e i # t h o u s e s m s served b y o n e wash-house*5 1 ( c ) B e a r v i e w # T h e l e a n - t o s t r u c t u r e s a r e the coal stores provided as a -consequenceo f c r # i c i m m b y t h e M e d i c a l O f f i c e r i n 1 8 # * B o t e t h e u n h a r l e d b r i c k w o r k and t h e l a r g e , opening s a s h w i d o w s #T h e l a y - o u t o f t h e s e h o u s e s i s ehown in the s k e t c h a t Figure 52#rFigure 31(a)Figure 31(b)Figure 3l(c)Figure 32: 24,New Holygate,Broxburn;. Broxburn Oil Company Ltd.Window 7.* “ fc*'u>i dtu'-u‘y3-3u-'~Outside walls of brick-18 inches thick..Ceiling hei^t - kitchen and roomj 9ft.4in; scullery, 8ft.Floors - kitchezL and room,wood; sculleryf. and bathroom, concrete. Lifting: - one gas lamp in each rbom(including scullery and bathroom). Doors - vertical tongued and grooved planks fixed to horizontal battens; *sneck* latches.CVIIW m e e Im tW courm of dmoMtWi# Note #a$ # e ^ party* W % Gtopa oWrt &t WllQg WL#%* I ote @3Lm # $ timIWr 88«ki%:$ md l&te mylty # #e WH*33(b) SW e%WWom #1@& house the watexsoloeet €md 8Wloiy#iwe W l t #ortly hefoze I9I4# Note the style ef the i«indq%m poWLtted adequate vmttlatiom#33W) %Bee"ApW3mot homes* M s Tear #6» ^ w e #30 ptWied roof oomtrootlo# of the hoWrg #m mter^ -^ L^oeet a W omAlmor# Note also the éormr Whdow of the room#33(<^ ) ^ f^oht #ew of the earn of three«^ o^arWmt dW lio^*. .Figure 35(a)rÜFigure 33(b)Figure 33(c)ÉMt'i»' HFigure 33(d)ovinFigure M: Two-apartment Througji House at Seafield Rows.■i t-I?com.KiTc-h&n,Rcui$Exterior walls three bricks thick and lathed and plastered on the inside. Dividing walls between houses of single brick only and extending only to ceiling hei^it..0 in VS ca \ cordGXIIFigure 57s 245,?i&wfielcl Road,Tarbrax. 57(a) Ground Floor.////////////V\\<^ i+’chen1 #% 4 I12 * O' ^ I ^ —"6f # '■-^ '■'-:sfî®S'>tiSstGXVIIFigure 41s Stewartfield RowS|Broxbt?xn* Broxbum Oil GoiLtd*T h i s p h o t o g r a p h w a s t a k e n a f t e r t h e b l o c k n e a r e s t t o t h é c a m e r a h a d b e e n d e m o l i s h e d , p r o b a b l y s h o r t l y b e f o r e t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r #T h e c o m m u n a l w a t e r - c l o s e t s c a n be s e e n a t t h e e n d o f t h e l e f t - h a n d b l o c k a n d a w a s h - h o u s e i s v i s i b l e a t t h e c e n t r e o f t h e m i d d l e r o w #Figure 41% mu-A -i> '*%%m rif*L*CXVIIIFigure 42t Broxburn# Greendyke© EoM looking Horth#T h i s w a s t a k e n a f t e r t h e d e m o l i t i o n i n 1954 of the ten o n e - r o o m e d h o u s e s o h t h e e a s t s i d e o f the s t r e e t # T h i s a l l o w s sight of t h e a r r a n g e m e n t s f o r a c c e s s t o t h e u p p e r f l o o r s o f t h e t w o - s t o r e y b l o c k s , v i z # t h e s t a i r w a y w i t h a small p o r c h o n t h e l a n d i n g t o h o u s e a / w a t e r - c l o s e t # ' , . ;O n t h e w e s t s i d e o f t h e s t r e e t t h e s e c o n d rahk o f h o u s e s i s m a d e u p o f b l o c k s o f Ibabk#; t o - ^ b a o k * s i n g l e e n d s * which o b v i o u s l y h a v e n o t , been provided with s c u l l e r i e s i n t h e same w a y as t h e t w o - r o o m e d h o u s e s o n G r e e n d y k e s R o a d #The refinery b u i l d i n g s a n d c h i m n e y s a r e v e r y m u c h i n e v i d e n c e a s i s t h e l a r g e b l n g a s s o c i a t e d with t h e A l b y n c r u d e o i l w o r k s *Fiffure 42G X I X .F i g u r e 4 5 s F u n e r a l o f J * P # C l e ^ o m e | H e a 4 m a s t e r o f B r o x b u r n S c h o o l # 19I O *T h i s p h o t o g r a p h s h o w s t h e p r o c e s s i o n p a s s i n g a l o n g B a s t I W L n S t r e e t between t h e Canal B r i d g e a n d K i r k h i l l R o a d #N o t e t h e c o t t a g e t y p e s t o n e b u i l t h o u s i n g a n d a l s o t h e v i s u a l i m p a c t o f t h e h u g e B r o x b u r n b i n g #Figure 45Ugore 44î I#d gWet,Green%kemTaken in I9g$y1hi^ photogr&Bb iHimtrate# #e exteaalons Wilt in the peslod before the Gr#t Mar to house ■ muHeriee. and watm>* ' ■ - ê&oasts*-' - ^T h e a e h f o o t p a t e and r u d i m e n t a r y g u t t e r s are WLl in e v i d e n c e o n # e left*N o t e t h # W w i l e d b r t o k w o i k * 'Figure 44i lfù«:5rJ ■ ^ 'igCplnM r # '.r' le''0)1X1Figure 45: 96,Crosswood. Terrace,Tarbrax*Two-apartment Back-to-Back House.II 0eaRtf-oesS >/.o"13 ' - ^ " y i o ' , g -g'-'î"g'-3"Cio«t rExterior walls of l6in* brickwork,harled on the outside and hard plastered internally. Interior walls of single brick,hard plastered*Floors are of ; wood except in scullery and water-closet where concrete is laid»The roof is constructed of wooden joists, timber sarking and slates.Coal stores are provided at the end of the blocks. Scale: 4mm. toIft.(approx.)OZ'IIFigure 46: 25 »Roman Camp ^Broxtnim.//////\ " \ S- i Ofo'-o"q’-o'’ yW»rjclOw5 *•16 ^ -lO '5tu 11CooklSrocjt1! -iT X ^ - o *y \/Ceiling Eei^t - $ft. im main rooms#. Bathroom andacnllery,8ft, 5in* sloping ta 6ft. 5in*Uhharled brickwork and slated roof.. Wood floorsscnllery and bathroom where concrete is laid.except inm i lM gure 47$ fwo-roomeà *But m â Ben» Homes*4 7 ( s ) O r o s s w o o d T e r r a o e # m ^ r a x # B a c k - t o b a c k r o w s *41(b) Homan üaa^ jBroxbam* Ikmt view of HomesIn a single row# Hdte mWaLed brWaWk W d #e large sa# wWknm* Built in #e 289QS.Rear ?is# of #s same %ow»#wiBg the l e a n - t o s e c t i o n h o u s i n g t h e b a t h r o o m and #is mmMm wm ori^aally a o B l l e r o w t a i n i h g W y a s o n l l s z y a n d $ f s t e 3 > " C l o s e t » # i n m o s t h o u s e s i # : # h #ale area #ere so# f#i#ties wer^ pirovided #eimten''Cl0Wt%msadiww #ter#frmtWsmaiery*Interior of bedrow at Roman Gamp* # e • deal and batten* oomtmotion of #e door was common in shale area homlngiPartioularly in that provided % #e oil companies#Figure 47Figure 47(a)Figure 47(b)Figure 47(c)Figure 47(d)GXXIVFigure 48: Oakbank Rows, Oakbank Oil Co.Ltd,Oakbank. Two apartment *kitchen and attic* houses built in * back-to-back* blocks.The houses were built in the 1880s and the extensions which house the water closet and scullery were added in I9I5*Tliese are the only survivors of 60 such houses, and are the only example found of two-storey back-to-back construction in the shale area.Figure 49» m d KxAing West#I am informed #at thisabout 1899 end tb&t the old ledy at the ri#t was *Gren%qr fb%»$ihe landlady of the local lodgiDg house# It is ceztaln that the ^otogre^ai is dated m later tha^ the Ihst Office at the west e # of the Old S^ own # 1 # »as built in that year is not shown*m)te the #idller well* or street water tap in the foreground xburii,lookii3g Bast.This photogi^j^ cannot he dated precisely but from % e style of dress it may be assumed to date from #e p#iod o| the Great War.Bote that the Wj^e**s#rey Wildings have low roofs and that mm are thatched# On the right of the picture # e posltitm of the doors indicates that the flmrs of such houses may well have been level with the street#On the left #ere is that ever-preseiat resource in times of financial stress - a pawn shop. Oppoeite#the W^storey building is the orangem mAt the ^ treme right there is another ekas^le of the * pillar well» #It is possible that the wemn wilâi the basin has thrown or intends to throw slop water into the gutter#Figure 50v m MH > m - ia wM mdD V nifigure 91$ É0U88S at Junction of Old Town and Easter Road# Broxburn#janefield Ôottag^ ànd a8sooiGted blo(^ three hoùsoa* The cotta^ beazai a ia^ dated 1833# In l9# the prop^y % & fittWyJdhn SWLereon lAo lived JanefieldGotta^lettW^eotherhousea to workmen#91(b) Rear view of the building assoolatsdJanefidd Oo#8ge#imnntra#% We aooesa ty an Wiernal etairi^ my to the %gpper flate#91(0) St#Harg8ret* e Hace#Baeter Road# Built by a looal pawRaroker# ■ In 1911 these houses ■- were, owned W James %omson#a miner resident at ThreWletom# The building comprised 9 two^ roomed and l three^ rooméd houses ■■ ooou#ed ^in 19II by ^ 9^ #lners#2 widows & ' tailor and a labourer# .- Rents were ##- .#*58 and. £14 po^ e annum»51(d) Villa# Two cottages dated 1904» In I9#1^prop@:tyw88ownod%^J%am%QGm%#i#■ m stationer and newsagent Who had previously# m a mlwr and #eeWel#man#t#@u an active pazt. in. the #ale :miuer# union»Figure 5l(af.-Figure 5l(b)^ ^ I b W3^%4'4 ÆFigure 5l(c)Figure 5l(d)lyAVlrr-’TfiMjifiG XXV III$l#ré 52t fHo-roomed Houses Built lu Blo#s of Four and iWLtlples of Four*52(a) imi# Hluoe#%lom Roaâ lu ## SArkhill areu of Broxten»52(b) A double block In the Old %wu#2roxbum#52(0) Alexander 8treet$%#iall* Ho50(%ure55) Is the downstairs bouse marest the mmer#52(d) Hear of AleKandor Stcsst* Ho 50 Is Inthe block of four to the left# Note the methods of adeess to the upper floors*Figure 52(a)Figure 52(b)11 Figure 52(c)IIigi-tre 52(d)IC5ŒIXFigure 53 s ITwo-apaxtment House at 50 Alexander Street, Hphall.//S »nK.. I »• \ "»6> — — II'is*' (?*' X "11Garden and Drying green shared with upstairs house.Co^ store under stairs to flat above.Ghimney and fireplace in each room.Ceiling hei^t - 9f“t. Wooden floorsExterior walls - %5in. brickworkyhard plastered on inside. Internal walls sin^e brick, plastered.Fanlights above doors marked *F‘Panelled doors with brass knobsScale: 4mm.to Ift. (approx.)figure 54î om the Mode*54(a) Ii€a Mig sad Bslgonie, West Main Street# , *Bro%bmm* L m M g is the left side of theWilding .and in.- I9II was owned % a miner* gZbKHozwB jLccBbonof# SCkws jarcqpeaclgr eomrpadLsHBdL four dwellings with annual values of £14* £6*£9*75 and £12* .ânthony oocnpied the house valued at £14#54(h) I'^ son .'plaoe*KWdilll: Boadytoshura*14 houses built hi John Wilson the Shale îüners* agent in 1505* Bote the stone front and the small windows on the upper flooTeproviding light for ■a small room corresponding to the entrance hall on the lower floor#54(c) Hanover Buildings*. Ifelhoume Boad*Broxhum« A Mock O f 8 s i m i l a r houses#i^gure 54(a)Figure 54(b)a m m eFigure 54(c)OXXXIHguré 55t Single-storèy SouseG Ëiillt and Occmpied byShale Mhieirs a # bil Workera#■'*# ••- \55(a) Melbourne CottageSiMelboimie RoadyBroxbmm# tn 19# the two houses each had an àanual value of £15 and wero owned by John Smithes miner who occupied one and let the other to John Bungavilf also a miner#55(b) St#John* s ïtoadf Broxburn# Nearest the camera is a pair of semi-detached oottages#the Oaks and hilybahk# in 19# they were owned andoccupied by two candlemakers*55(c) Eldon Obttage,St Jbhh*s Boad# In 19# owned by Gcor^ iBrown#an bvêrsmanoccupied one house with an annual value of £I8#lettiag the other (annual value £9) to Alexander Brown## fitter#55(d) A i r t b dott#ge#St John*# Road# In 19#the property of a miner#Alexander HcGallum, who occupied one house with an annual value of £14 and let the other which was valued at £12*Figure 55(a)Figure 55(b)Figure 55(c)i^fgure 55(^ )(5DCKIIFigure 56(a)* Boss (Derracé^ West Main StreeifBroxburn#■' • . -O''vIn iÿïl this belonged to Mathew McGavin*#local business maa(a ooiner)* Access tothe upper floors m s by mtemsl commonstairs and passages# In I9II#the 12 houses‘ ' were occupied by 5 miners#2 enginemen#an . ^oilworkmr#a baker# a fireman## laundress#a ■ clerk## bricklayer end an engineer#Ammàl values were from £10 to £15#56(b) I Sté James* PlaGe#!Bireemiietom,near hinlithgow#Omed by James !Hipmsoh,a ininer who lived in Elmbank#the two-storey villa attached to the ' block#- Amual values were from £9#75 to £12#' In I9II #10 tenants included 5 miners#a ,chockwei^hW:i # d a postmistress# One house was empty# Access to the upper houses was by On external common stair reached throu#i ' the passage in the centre of the picture# ,56(0) %hall lo'd^ ihg Bouse# Built in igO) andoperated by the Upball Lodging House Co*Ltd# She lodging house fell into disuse after the Second World War and was converted to a bookbinding fabto## it is presently used as a Church Hall#Figure 56(a)Figure 56(b)1,*.rï *-'*■^ ■ . ' v w ^Figure 56(c)I • . . .Wijll.iMal?’ <*Tl^LlilllW iM«iGxyjüciiFigure 57: 59rI^ yothall Road,Broxbum«0//([(((J///(\A^lrhpp^m 5#^ iUry ^1fiThe eupboaxd. at *A* was probably originally a bed recess* The hall at •B* was also probably a bed. recess* The entrance was possibly to a small hall *C* indicated by dotted line and thence to the front room# Access to the kitchen was. by a door at now blocked up#BIBLIOGRAPHY I PRIMARY SOURCESa. Primary ï-danuscript SourcesScottish Record OfficeChurch Records Mid Calder Parish, Poors* Accounts - CH2/266 Uphall Parish, Poors* Accounts - CH2/362 West Calder Parish, Kirk Session Minutes - CH2/366Friendly Society Records - PSLocal Authority Records M d Calder Parish, Accounts of the Receipt and Expenditure of Statute Labour Money - C02/II/3 Midlothian County Council, Calder District Committee, îilnutes - C02/61 West Calder Local Authority, Minutes - C02 91/1 West Calder Water and Drainage Sub-committee,Minutes - C02 93/1Mscellaneous MunimentsPearson Robertson and Maconochie Deposit containing the Estate Papers of the families, Hare of Calderhall and Handaxwood and Hog of Hewliston - GD 266Registers of Sasines - RSRegistrar of Companies, Lapsed Company Files - BT2Scottish Office Records Board of Supervision for the Relief of the Poor in Scotland, Minutes - HH25CXXXVSheriff Court Records Edinburgh - SC39 Linlithgow - SC41Trade Union Records - FS7, FS10Valuation Rolls, 1855-1914Edinburgh - VR108 West Lothian - VR122National Library of ScotlandTrade Union MinutesAmalgamated Section of Scotch Miners Amalgamated Miners and Manual Workers of West Lothian and Renfrewshire, 1899-1914 - Acc, 4312/1West Lothian District Council Library, Local CollectionLocal Authority RecordsBathgate Parochial Board, MinutesMid Calder Parochial Board, MinutesWest Calder Parochial Board, MinutesWest Lothian County CouncilBathgate District Committee, MinutesLinlithgow District Committee, Î4inutesPublic Health Committee, Housing Sub-committee, MinutesNew Register HouseCensus of Scotland, D-touscript Enumerators * Books, 1851, 1861, 1871, 1881 and 1891CXXXVIRegistrar of Companies, George Street, EdinburghLive Company PilesBroxburn Oil Conpany Ltd. File No. 792 Oakbank Oil Company Ltd. File No. 1501 Pumpherston Oil Company Ltd. File No. 1295 Young's Paraffin Light & Mineral Oil Company Ltd. File No. 221City of Edinburgh District Council, City ArchivistLocal Authority RecordsKirkliston Parochial Board, MinutesDalmeny Estate OfficeEstate Records relating to Minerals on Dalmeny Estate Dalmeny Estate Minerals Register Dalmeny Estate Rental Ledgers Dalmeny Estate Cash BooksBritish Petroleum Ltd., Pumpherston WorksRecords of the Pumpherston Oil Co. Ltd.General Journal No. 2Records of Shale Tested in Experimental RetortCXXXVIIb. Primary Printed Sourcesi Parliamentary Papers, Great BritainA. Annual ReportsChief18751 PP 1876^ LXIX1876; 1877, LXX7II1877; 1878, LXIX1878; 1878-79, LXV1880, LXVIII1879; 1880, LXVIII1881, LXXXIV1880; 1881, LXXXIV1883, LXVII1881; 1882, LXYI1884, IXXVI1882 1883, LXVIII1883 1884, LXXVI1884 1884-85, LXXII1885 1886, LXI1886 1887, LXXVI, LXXVII1887 1888, XCII1888 1889, LXXI (Part 1)1889 1890, LXIX1890 1890-91, LXXI&1891 1892, LXXIII1892 1893-94, LXXXIV1895 1894, LXXIX1894 1895, XCI1895 1896, LXXVIII1896 1897, LXXXII1897 1898, LXXXVII1898 1899, XCI1899 1900, LXXXI1900 1902, XCVI1902 1903, LXVI1903; 1904, LXXXIXSocietiesCXXXVIII1904; 1905, I4XXV1905; 1906, CXII1906; 1907, LXXVIII, LXXIX1907; 1908, XCVII1908; 1909, LXXIX1909; 1910, LXXIII1910; 1911, LXXVI1911; 1912-13, LXXXI, LXXXII1912; 1913, LVII1913; 1914, LXXVI1914; 1914-16, LIXInspeotors18711872187318741875 18751877187818791880 1881 1882188318841885188618871888of Mines PP 1872, XVI1873, XIX1874, XIII1875, XVI1876, XVII1877, XXIII1878, XX 1878-79, XVIII1880, XV1881, XXV1882, XVIII1883, XIX1884, XIX 1884-85, XV1886, XVI1887, XXII1888, XXIX1889, XXIVInspectors of Mines, District Reports1889189018911892PP 1890, XXIII1890-91, XXII 1892, XXIII 1893-94, XXCXXXIX1893 1894, XXIV1894 1985, XXII1895 1896, XXII1896 1897, XX1897 1898, XVII1898 1899, XV1899 1900, XIV1900 1901, XIV1901 1902, XVII1902 1903, XV1903 1904, XIII1904 1905, XV1905 1906, XIX1906 1907, XIII1907 1908, XIX1908 1909, XXXIII1909 1910, XLIII1910 1911, XXXVI1911 1912-13, XLI1912 1913, XXXV1914 1914-16, XXVMining and mineral Statistics of the United Kingdom including Lists of i'4ines and mineral Workers.1882; PP 1884, LXKXV 1884; 1884-85, LXXXV1885; 1886, LXXI1886; 1887, LXXXIX1887; 1888, CVIISummaries of Reports of Inspectors of Mines and Mineral Statistics of the United Kingdom 1885; PP 1884, XIX1888; 1889, LXXXIVCXLMineral Statistics of the United Kingdom includingthe Isle of Man1888 & 1889; PP 1890-91, XCII1890; 1890-91, XCII1891; 1892, LXXXVIII1892; ^ 1893-94, CII1893; 1894, XCIV1894; 1895, CVII1893; 1896, XCIII1896; 1897, XCIXGeneral Reports and Statistics of Mines and Quarries in the United Kingdom, British Colonies and Foreign Countries. Part III - Output; Exports and Imports (Mining and Mineral Statistics of the United Kingdom)1897; PP 1899, CVII1898; 1899, CVII1899; 1900, CII1900; 1902, CXVI1901; 1902, CXVI1902; 1904, CVI1903; 1905, XCVIII1904; 1906, CXXXIV1905; 1906, CXXXIV1906; 1908, CXXII1907; 1908, CXXII1908; 1909, c m1909; 1910, CIX1910; 1911, Cl1911; 1912-13, CVII1912; 1914, XCIX1913; 1914-16, LXXX1914; 1914-16, LXXXCXLIBoard of Supervision for the Relief of the Poor (Includes Public Health).7th 8th 9th 10 th 11th12 th 13th 14th13 th 16th 17 th 18th 19 th 20th 21st 22nd 23rd 24th 23th 26th 27th 28th 29th 30th 318t 32nd 33rd 34th 33th 36th 37th 38th 39th 40th 41 st 42ndPP 1832-33, L 1854, XXIX 1854-55, XXm 1856, XXVIII 1857 (Sess. 1), IV 1857-58, XVIII 1859 (Sess. 1), IX1860, XXXVII1861, XXVIII1862, XXIV1863, XXII1864, XXV1865, XXII1866, XXXVI1867, XXXIV1867-68, XXXIII1868-69, XXVIII1870, XXXV1871, XXVII1872, XXIX1873, XXIX1874, XXVI 1873, XXXII 1876, XXXII1876, XXXII1877, XXXVIII 1878^ XXXVIII 1878-79, XXX1880, XXVIII1881, XLVII1882, XXXI1883, XXIX1884, XXXVIII 1884-85, XXXIV1886, XXXII1887, XXXVIIC X LII43rd; 1888, L44th; 1889, XXXVI43th; 1890, XXXIV46 th; 1890-91, XXXV47th; 1892, XXXIX48 th; 1893-94, XLÏV49th; 1894, XLIChanges in Wages and Honrs of Labour in the United Kingdom1st (1893); PP 1894, LXXXI (Part II)2nd 1896, LXXX (Part I)3rd 1897, LXXXIII4th 1897, LXXXIII5th 1898, LXXXVIII6th 1899, XCI7th (1899); 1900, LXXXI1900; 1901, LXXII1901; 1902, XCVI1902; 1903, LXVI1903; 1904, LXXXIX1904; 1905, LXXVI1905; 1906, CXII1906; 1907, LXXX1907; 1908, XCVIII1908; 1909, LXXX1900-1908; 1910, LXXXIV1910; 1911, LXXXIX1911; 1912-13, XCII1912; 1914, LXXX1913; 1914-16, LXICXLIIIB. 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