This study attempts to account for the argument-adjunct asymmetry of Sluicing in Mandarin Chinese. Such an asymmetry is empirically demonstrated by a language-particular phenomenon, so-called shi-support, which is also the last resort (Chomsky, 1995a) of our linguistic mechanism. In the current related literature, shi-support is obligatory for wh-arguments but optional for wh-adjuncts (Wang, 2002). However, I argue that at the PF level shi-support is even optional for wh-arguments; that is, it is only needed in the derivation at the LF level. My analysis is crucialy based on CLM’s (1995) insightful analysis of LF Copying Theory. Departing from their analysis in crucial respects, however, I argue that a covert wh-movement also takes place si...
This thesis aims to provide an explanatory account for the phenomenon of absent external arguments i...
This paper argues that Mandarin Chinese clauses exhibit the finite/nonfinite contrast, and, based on...
The traditional observation that Chinese wh-arguments do not exhibit wh-island effects may be only a...
textThis study attempts to account for the argument-adjunct asymmetry of Sluicing in Mandarin Chines...
This paper examines the relationship between sluicing and the base-generation positions of wh-phrase...
Taking “sluicing” to be derived by movement + deletion, as represented by Merchant (2001), and “pseu...
There have been two camps on the analysis of the ellipsis construction dubbed sluicing by Ross (1969...
Sluicing refers to an elliptical structure in which only a wh-phrase is overt in a CP, as in "Someon...
In this article we consider the cases of reduction of interrogative clauses in Mandarin Chinese (hen...
This paper discusses an elliptical process called Sluicing in Japanese and English, and its theoreti...
Abstract I investigate the Intervention Effect in Late Archaic Chinese (LAC) and mode...
Ross (1969) proposed that sluicing in English is derived by wh- movement and deletion. The wh-moveme...
UnrestrictedThis dissertation is a theoretical investigation of wh-fronting phenomena in Mandarin co...
Following the Government and Binding theory mainly developed by Chomsky (1981, 1982, 1986), I explor...
This work investigates the non-interrogative uses of Chinese wh-phrases as a path to understand the ...
This thesis aims to provide an explanatory account for the phenomenon of absent external arguments i...
This paper argues that Mandarin Chinese clauses exhibit the finite/nonfinite contrast, and, based on...
The traditional observation that Chinese wh-arguments do not exhibit wh-island effects may be only a...
textThis study attempts to account for the argument-adjunct asymmetry of Sluicing in Mandarin Chines...
This paper examines the relationship between sluicing and the base-generation positions of wh-phrase...
Taking “sluicing” to be derived by movement + deletion, as represented by Merchant (2001), and “pseu...
There have been two camps on the analysis of the ellipsis construction dubbed sluicing by Ross (1969...
Sluicing refers to an elliptical structure in which only a wh-phrase is overt in a CP, as in "Someon...
In this article we consider the cases of reduction of interrogative clauses in Mandarin Chinese (hen...
This paper discusses an elliptical process called Sluicing in Japanese and English, and its theoreti...
Abstract I investigate the Intervention Effect in Late Archaic Chinese (LAC) and mode...
Ross (1969) proposed that sluicing in English is derived by wh- movement and deletion. The wh-moveme...
UnrestrictedThis dissertation is a theoretical investigation of wh-fronting phenomena in Mandarin co...
Following the Government and Binding theory mainly developed by Chomsky (1981, 1982, 1986), I explor...
This work investigates the non-interrogative uses of Chinese wh-phrases as a path to understand the ...
This thesis aims to provide an explanatory account for the phenomenon of absent external arguments i...
This paper argues that Mandarin Chinese clauses exhibit the finite/nonfinite contrast, and, based on...
The traditional observation that Chinese wh-arguments do not exhibit wh-island effects may be only a...