Clitic Climbing from Finite Clauses and Long Head Movement", CatWPL 3.2

A number of accounts of clitic climbing have regarded it a phenomenon wrrelating exclusively with infinitives. This paper shows that the above correlation should not be taken to argue that restructuring configurations must be monoclausal. By presenting instances of clitic climbing from finite subordinates, it also demonstrates that proposals which associate clitic climbing with lack of Tense (or Tense raising) are not satisfactory either. I claim that while clitic climbing is an instance of head movement, thns subject to the HMCIECP, it is also constrained by the requirement that the specifier positions of the heads tbrough which the clitic moves be coindexed. This requirement I attribute to the fact that clitic climbing is followed by an XP movement at LF, which proceeds via the respective specifier positions. The possibility of such coindexing in finite contexts makes clitic climbing available in Romance languages with Balkan clausal structwe, but is nonexistent in the rest of the Romance, where control and raising is restricted to infinitivais. This paper explores a number of issues related to the phenomenon of clitic climbing (henceforth CC), illustrated below with a typical example from Spanish:' I will not be concemed here with the initial step of cliticization, namely, the relation of the clitic in (i) with the XP argument it is associated with in (ii). (i) a. Maria 10 ley6. María 3sgAcc rad-PAST-3sg b. Maria ley6 el libro